In the name of national security: articulating ethno-political struggles as terrorism
The paper is focused on intertwinement of moral issues and massive protests in Ukraine labeled as Euromaidan. It questions whether it is correct to regard Euromaidan as a “moral revolution”, grounding on a popular in Ukraine name of the protests “Revolution of Dignity”. Emphasis is made upon the protests of Euromaidan influencing and being influenced by moral issues which are interpreted both as external triggers and internal characteristics of the protests. Six basic moral domains characterize “basic” and “advanced” moral issues in different periods of Euromaidan. It is proved that the moral triggers of the protest were connected to the domains of harm, community and freedom, while community, purity and hierarchy shaped the internal structure of Euromaidan. Appeal to reciprocity appeared along with the transformation of Euromaidan from a peaceful to more forceful protest.
The regional situation in Eastern Europe changed significantly by the end of the first decade of the 21st century. Competitionbetween Russia and the European Union increased during the 2000s, while at the same time both actors were changing their approach to the six states of the former USSR that lie between Russia and the EU – Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. In order to widen and deepen their influence on those territories and to reduce uncertainty about their regional politics, Moscow and Brussels developed their own integration projects and demanded those post-Soviet states define their position in the EU-Russia competition. Russian and European scholars, when trying to analyze the future of the Post-Soviet Six states, mostly examine the attractiveness of the two integration projects. While important, such an approach is insufficient, as it ignores the individual internal environments. To assess the prospects for Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and the EU’s Eastern Partnership, however, one must look inside the six states, which are so important for both Moscow and Brussels. This article explores the aspects of the European and Eurasian integration projects that may be attractive to the six states. Within this framework, it considers what and how elements of those states’ internal environment might influence their choice by examining and comparing both integration projects. It proposes focusing directly on the countries that are currently facing the dilemma of integration and are expected to choose. Despite a number of internal factors influencing the states’ integration behaviour, research has shown that in such circumstances, a choice (whether it is made) cannot be considered final, given the individual internal environments of the Six. Their further integration will require additional mechanisms of stimulation, which will need to be developed by the centres of integration — namely, Moscow and Brussels.
Recent events in Ukraine and Russia and the subsequent incorporation of Crimea into the Russian state, with the support of some circles of inhabitants of the peninsula, have shown that the desire of people to belong to the Western part of Europe should not automatically be assumed. Discussing different perceptions of the Ukrainian-Russian war in neighbouring countries, this book offers an analysis of the conflicts and issues connected with the shifting of the border regions of Russia and Ukraine to show how ’material’ and ’psychological’ borders are never completely stable ideas. The contributors – historians, sociologists, anthropologists and political scientists from across Europe – use an interdisciplinary and comparative approach to explore the different national and transnational perceptions of a possible future role for Russia.
The monograph is devoted to the fundamental issues of European security and reasons of the the Russia-West confrontation after 25 years of the end the Cold War. The analysis of the key element for external context of European security - techtonic processes of Eurasia - was implemented. We are talking about the formation oa a new quality of geopolitical and geoeconomic community of Great Eurasia, based on cooperation and co-development of its constituent countries and on a significant reduction of geopolitical competition.
Konflikten i Ukraina har återuppväckt den ryska allmänhetens intresse för nyheter – både televisionens och nätmediers popularitet ökar konstant på grund av rapporter om detta tema. Detta kapitel undersöker ledande ryska mediers bevakning av kriget i Ukraina – Kanal 1 (den mest inflytelserika televisionskanalen), Komsomolskaya Pravda (den mest populära kvällstidningen) och Kommersant (kvalitetstidning) under perioden från juli till september 2014.
Although criticism of Enlightenment ideas has become widespread within academic circles, the basic Enlightenment narrative – an inexorable movement to a progressive condition – remains a dominant assumption within the discourses of modernization and democratization. This article analyzes how the ‘progressive’ imagination of Euromaidan protesters in Ukraine discursively produced the internal ‘other’ as a singular monolithic subject whose ‘underdeveloped’ intellectual condition was judged against an imagined scale of human progression. The argument is explicated through the discourse analysis of popular blogs on Ukrainian Pravda – a political web site that played a crucial role in organizing Maidan protests. The article analyzes 189 postings of Ukrainian Pravda bloggers starting from 26 November 2013 – the day when the bloggers’ group ‘Maidan’ was formed – until 21 January 2014, which denoted the beginning of a murderous stage of the Maidan protest.
The conflict in Ukraine and Russia's annexation of Crimea has undoubtedly been a pivotal moment for policy makers and military planners in Europe and beyond. Many analysts see an unexpected character in the conflict and expect negative reverberations and a long-lasting period of turbulence and uncertainty, the de-legitimation of international institutions and a declining role for global norms and rules. Did these events bring substantial correctives and modifications to the extant conceptualization of International Relations? Does the conflict significantly alter previous assumptions and foster a new academic vocabulary, or, does it confirm the validity of well-established schools of thought in international relations? Has the crisis in Ukraine confirmed the vitality and academic vigour of conventional concepts?
These questions are the starting points for this book covering conceptualisations from rationalist to reflectivist, and from quantitative to qualitative. Most contributors agree that many of the old concepts, such as multi-polarity, spheres of influence, sovereignty, or even containment, are still cognitively valid, yet believe the eruption of the crisis means that they are now used in different contexts and thus infused with different meanings. It is these multiple, conceptual languages that the volume puts at the centre of its analysis.
This text will be of great interest to students and scholars studying international relations, politics, and Russian and Ukrainian studies.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.