Идейно-ценностные уровни испанского консерватизма
The author defines three conceptual and-valuative levels of Spanish conservatism, their relationship and basic intentions; he discovers the basic antinomies of Spanish conservatism which determine its historical dynamics in 1808–2008.The discursive features of Spanish reformism and anti-reformism are analyzed.
The article deals with apocalyptic motifs in the ideas, attitudes and values of two outstanding Spanish Catholic philosophers - Jaime Luciano Balmes (1810-1848) and Juan Donoso Cortes (1809-1853). Standing in the 1830-1840s. to protect the Ancient regime Balmes and Donoso were in the political camp defeated in the struggle with the liberal bourgeoisie, engaged in creating a New order. As a result, today they are on the periphery of social and political thought. However, their philosophical and political diagnoses remain a part of relevance to this day. Correlating Balmes and Donoso from the views of their main opponents - the French Enlightenment of the XVIII century and the British and French positivists of the XIX century, - we will be able to put the problem of the "end of history" in the universal - the general historical - context.
O. A. Zhukova, A. A. Kara-Murza and M. G. Talalay are well known as researchers in the Russian and Italian culture. New work, written in collaboration, is dedicated to Russian writers, philosophers, artists, travelers, who had visited the old Amalfi in southern Italy. The relics of St. Andrew the Apostle are a spiritual treasure of the city for over 800 years.The basis of historical and philosophical program of the book is studies of the intellectual biographies of prominent figures of Russian literature, philosophy and art of the nineteenth and twentieth century. They had inspired by the beauty of Amalfi, embodying it in his works.
The author addresses the question of the relationship between religious and national identity, in particular to those cases where there is their identifi cation. The author focuses on the Spanish experience of 1930-s, when formed the ideological construction of the so-called national-Catholicism was formed, justifying special spiritual mission of the nation, based on its alleged inherent rejection of democracy. Over the next few decades, the National Catholicism played the role of the offi cial ideology of the Franco regime. The article compares the Spanish experience with the situation in today's Russia, where, according to the author, there is a tendency for "nationalization" of religion, its politicization and indoctrination.
Since 2008 the neoliberal mainstream, which seemed to be steadfast, has been suffering both economic and political crisis. This makes people seek an alternative of right or left kind. In such circumstances, alternative political forces attempt to satisfy civil society’s needs suggesting new ideas that challenge the neoliberalism. Therefore, both leftist and rightist revolts have been a search for new growth drivers and new balance within societies that takes all the classes and their interests into consideration.
This process is closely tied to several major shifts. The privatization of state’s functions has been doubted and put the return of public capital on the agenda. The voice of people demanding a more equal access to public goods, for example, education gets louder.
There are new politicians able to get this message and obtain a broad popular support. They are, for instance, Jeremy Corbyn in the UK and Jean-Luc Melenchon in France. However, what is behind the leftist revolt? Does it have any chance to succeed?
The events of 2016–2017 sharply changed the political balance in the West and across the world. The Brexit success, sensational victory of Donald Trump, the atmosphere of ‘the last battle’ ‘on the brink of a precipice’ during the presidential elections in France, a dramatic turn to right wing nationalism in Poland, Hungary and some other countries of Central Europe – the whole of it brought the rightist revolt against the neoliberal mainstream (and response to it) into the global focus.
‘We are transferring power from Washington, D.C. and giving it back to you, the American People’ — the Trump’s sharp rebuff of traditional mainstream rhetoric and turn to white-wing nationalism brought the new term of ‘Trumpism’ into being. Nevertheless, the Trump’s rise to power was the result of a broader demand for transformation of the American political system.
The Trumpism is deeply rooted in the American political history and has a certain value system in its core. It amalgamates leftist and rightist elements, forming the bloc of interests, although contradictory. The Trumpism is a new approach to the settlement of old issues, especially economic ones. Trump’s policy is based on the interests of middle capital and aimed at weakening big capital in favour of the middle capital. Thus, this makes the value of protecting the domestic market or sound protectionism a matter of key importance.
What is the future of the Trumpism? Will Europe follow the example of the US? What should be Russia’s attitude towards the ‘rightist revolt’?
The article suggests a typology of Spanish conservatism as a political ideology that preserves a certain doctrinal continuity over the past five centuries. Separating in the history of Spanish conservatism three stages - a genetic (from the end of XV and the end of the XVIII century.), Classic (late XVIII to the 60s of XX century) and modern (with 1960), - the author shows that their specificity was conditioned by the nature of the challenges faced Spanish society: the search for the answer to the Protestant challenge (Reformation of the XVI century.) determined its genesis and general features.
The article was devoted the analysis relations thinkers of Catholicism and Orthodoxy to democratic values. The author analyzed texts of religious thinkers about democracy, liberty and law. Investigator came to the conclusion that catholic thinkers have good relations to democratic oriented values but orthodox thinkers have negative relations to democratic oriented values.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.