“The Bear and the Dragon. Xi Jinping’s First State Visit to Moscow Speaks Volumes about Sino-Russian Ties”.
“The Bear and the Dragon. Xi Jinping’s First State Visit to Moscow Speaks Volumes about Sino-Russian Ties”. // Strategic Vision for Taiwan Security, vol. 2, no. 9 (June, 2013)
China's foreign policy remains active and dynamic, while China's diplomatic activity is part of the task of "the great revival of the Chinese nation". The foreign policy mechanisms for implementing this task are the concepts of the "common destiny of mankind" (the Chinese version of a just world order), as well as the "belt and road" (the initiative of "large-scale international cooperation", in fact aimed at promoting the external interests of the PRC). However, since the late 2010s, China's policy has increasingly faced serious opposition, primarily from the United States. The traditional combination of cooperative and competitive elements in Sino-American relations is increasingly shifting towards competition.
This volume contains articles prepared on the basis of reports presented at the Annual scientific conference at the Center for Political Studies and Forecasting of the Institute of the Far Eastern Studies, Russian, Academy of Sciences, held in March 2019 and dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the PRC. The articles contain an analysis of topical issues of domestic and foreign policy, the political system and law of the PRC, as well as certain aspects of socioeconomic development. Particular attention is paid to the history of the formation of state bodies and the initial stage of the state building of the People's Republic of China, the evolution of its political system and law from 1949 to 2019, and distinctive features of Chinese social system in the new era.
The monograph, written by scientists of the Center for the Studies and Fore< casting of Russia<China Relations of the Institute of Far Eastern studies (IFES RAS) and by invited experts, is prepared on the basis of Round tables and discussions held in the Centre in 2019. It examines various aspects of Russian<Chinese relations, de< scribes the practical field of the multifaceted cooperation between the two countries, highlights main trends in the development of these relations as well as factors that may affect interaction of Russia and China in the future. Special attention is paid to the dialogue between Moscow and Beijing in the framework of SCO, BRICS and RIC (Russia—India—China).
This article examines the state and prospects of Russia’s policy toward China. We look at recent trends in the evolution of the world order, the history of Moscow-Beijing relations, and the changes in the balance of power between Russia and China to offer a forecast of Russia’s China policy in the near term. Special attention is paid to the role of the 2001 Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation. The authors conclude that, despite the Treaty’s significance, the international situation – and indeed the relative strengths of the two countries – have significantly changed over the past 20 years. The new conditions will inevitably compel Russia to adjust its policy toward China. Moscow, as always, will seek to develop its political and economic partnership with Beijing. However, it will likely move toward hedging against risks that excessive dependence on China could bring about.
During the whole first five-year period of the PRC Chairman Xi Jinping’s rule, foreign and domestic observers had plenty of reasons to debate the direction of his policies, particularly the question whether there would be more steps by the Chinese leadership toward the “comprehensive deepening of reforms”, refining basic institutions of the political system, constructing more channels of feedback from the society to the government – or rather a kind of statist and left-leaning tendencies would dominate, pushing the country to certain practices of the past decades in the sphere of ideology, culture and treating intellectuals. The sudden eruption of the Chinese-American “trade war” roughly around March 2018 showed a significant range of rifts and contradictions previously hidden behind the rhetoric of unity, social cohesion, all social forces arguably united around the current leadership’s notion of the “great struggle” and the idea of “Chinese Dream” put forward by the Chairman. What will be the direction of further development in the social and ideological spheres under the second term of Xi Jinping, “Xi’s second season”, as one Chinese author has put it, taking into account that the restrictions on intellectual freedoms have already reached unprecedented level? At the same time, one can sense that there is a burgeoning trend inside the Chinese society to present the government with various demands ranging from ecology to workers’ rights. At this point, it is hardly possible to make a sound prognosis, but certain salient features can be drawn from the notions and concepts currently debated by intellectuals in and outside the country
The article is devoted to the 10th anniversary of the publication of one of the fundamental works of Chinese nationalists - the book "China is dissatisfied." The author examines the extent to which the ideas of the book influenced the current mood in Chinese society and how they are reflected in the current policy of the current Chinese leadership. In 2006, in an article devoted to the main trends of Chinese public thought, which was published in the Russian media, one of the ideologists of the Chinese nationalists - Deputy Director Of the Institute of political science of the PRC AON Fan Ning - wrote that the most promising direction in terms of turning into a dominant ideology is of the "new left" (in the center of their ideology was the fight against corruption and inequality in society). The subsequent development of China showed that the Chinese leadership managed to integrate into the political mainstream not only the views of the "new left", but also the ideas of Chinese nationalists. And the latter gradually become the basis of China's foreign policy and initiatives of the current Chinese leadership led by Xi Jinping. This point is noted in the recently published book by one of the ideologists of the US-Chinese rapprochement Michael Pilsbury "Centenary marathon. China's secret strategy to replace America as a global superpower." Moreover, Pilsbury emphasizes that the insistence of the representatives of the Chinese establishment that the views of the nationalists are marginal and do not reflect the position of the official Chinese leadership is nothing more than a manifestation of China's stratagem behavior in the spirit of the period of "fighting kingdoms" ("zhango"), the desire to disguise the true views that lie at the heart of China's foreign policy constructions, to mislead third-party observers. The well-known formula of Deng Xiaoping, put forward in the early 1990's "keep your head down" was aimed at the same. It seems that the above-mentioned article by Fan Nin also pursued this goal - to convince the Russian public that the views of Chinese nationalists are marginal and do not pose a danger to the interests of the Russian Federation. Because the pathos of Chinese nationalism is directed against the United States, not against Russia. This is also quite common in Chinese political practice, designed to mislead the partner. The Chinese assessments of the current state of Russian-Chinese relations as "the best period in the history of relations between the two countries", as well as arguments about the desirability of a closer union between Russia and China, are aimed at the same. According to the author, underestimating the influence of Chinese nationalists on the formation of China's modern foreign policy is a serious mistake that can lead to unexpected results.
Over the past decade all leading military powers have revised their approaches to defense and military technical policy. The fifth generation of the People’s Republic of China leaders led by Xi Jinping also demonstrated a strong desire to modernize the People’s Liberation Army and to achieve a breakthrough in fostering defense innovation. In 2015, against the backdrop of the U.S. launching the Third Offset Strategy, the Chinese government initiated a major reform program, which affects both the People’s Liberation Army and the nation’s defense industry. This paper focuses on a reform of research and development of military and dual-use technologies and the efforts to foster civil-military integration and eliminate of existing institutional barriers. The author identifies conceptual foundations of this reform, key components of defenseinnovation management system and the linkages between them, as well as current priorities in the development of military and dual-use technologies. The conclusion is drawn in certain aspects these transformational changes, based on the experience of previous generations of the Chinese leaders, are the most radical in the PRC’s history and reflect a high degree of personal involvement of the 7th President of the PRC Xi Jinping. Although these reforms are still far from complete, their implementation is likely to accelerate the process of the reconfiguration of the balance of power both in the Asia-Pacific region and globally.
The paper examines the structure, governance, and balance sheets of state-controlled banks in Russia, which accounted for over 55 percent of the total assets in the country's banking system in early 2012. The author offers a credible estimate of the size of the country's state banking sector by including banks that are indirectly owned by public organizations. Contrary to some predictions based on the theoretical literature on economic transition, he explains the relatively high profitability and efficiency of Russian state-controlled banks by pointing to their competitive position in such functions as acquisition and disposal of assets on behalf of the government. Also suggested in the paper is a different way of looking at market concentration in Russia (by consolidating the market shares of core state-controlled banks), which produces a picture of a more concentrated market than officially reported. Lastly, one of the author's interesting conclusions is that China provides a better benchmark than the formerly centrally planned economies of Central and Eastern Europe by which to assess the viability of state ownership of banks in Russia and to evaluate the country's banking sector.
The paper examines the principles for the supervision of financial conglomerates proposed by BCBS in the consultative document published in December 2011. Moreover, the article proposes a number of suggestions worked out by the authors within the HSE research team.