FISCAL GAMES AND PUBLIC EMPLOYMENT: A THEORY WITH EVIDENCE FROM RUSSIA
Why do some governments—in different countries and regions within them—employ more workers than others? Existing theories, which focus on the level of economic development, political redistribution, and social insurance may help to explain this. But they raise additional puzzles, do not fit all evidence, and fail to account for a global trend toward public employment decentralization. We propose a new theory, inspired by Russia’s recent experience, that locates one motive for subnational public employment growth in a political and fiscal game between central and subnational governments. In countries with weak legal systems, local and regional officials may deliberately set their employment levels beyond their fiscal capacity, prompting bailouts from the central government, which fears the political cost to it if wage arrears accumulate and provoke strikes. We model the logic of such brinkmanship, derive several propositions, and show that they—and the model’s assumptions—fit empirical evidence from Russia in the 1990s. Deficiencies of that country’s overstaffed, underequipped, irrregularly paid, ineffective, and strike-prone public sector appear to result in part from a system of dysfunctional incentives created by the way electoral pressures interact with the system of fiscal federalism. We suggest parallels with Latin American countries such as Argentina and Brazil.
This collective monograph, written by well-known Russian linguists, tpresents a broad picture of the way the language of mass media functions. The book gives a multifaceted analysis of how politics influences the language of mass media. This is a core problem of the mass media language, as politics represents the main content in mass media. The issue is treated in a semiotic, functional-stylistic, ethical and rhetoric aspects. The monograph examines in detail the language of print and electronic media (newspapers, magazines, television, radio). The language of foreign mass media is analyzed in a comparative aspect. The monograph shows the contemporary state of the mass media language and its influence on development of the literary language.
The monograph would be useful to students, PhD students and lecturers at journalism departments and schools of language studies, as well as to a wide range of readers, who are eager to preserve the purity and expressiveness of the Russian language.
The paper discusses how the russian labor market has been evolving over two decades of the transition. it starts with tracing key labor market indicators such as employment, unemployment, labor force participation, working hours, and real wages. Their dynamics indicate that the labor market tends to operate in a non-conventional fashion and far from the patterns expected initially. The authors argue that the current russian labor market represents a peculiar model that is different from what is observed in the rest of europe outside of the cis. having established this, they look at the institutional foundations that make this unconventional performance possible and proceed with discussing political economy and welfare implications. The findings are compared with the experience of other post-socialist countries.
Present article is focused upon two samples of Early-Modern «civil sciences»: rhetorical inquiry dealing with contingency (so called «rhetorica primaria»), and mathesis politica, traditionally referring in intellectual context of the Early Enlightenment to Descartes. Special attention is paid to the famous «new sciences», which are considered in the secondary literature as antithetical: Giambattista Vico’s scienza nuova and Thomas Hobbes scientia civilis. Drawing upon almost unknown 17th century Dutch political writings, the study examines the ways of reception of Thomas Hobbes’ civil science conceived as a rhetorical inquiry. The author also explores G. Vico alternative to Hobbes’ constructionist theoretical style.
Since the moment Ukraine acquired independence, cooperation with the EU has been developing unevenly. In 1994 Ukraine became the first country from the former Union Republics, which signed with the EU the Partnership Agreement, Ve and cooperation. This agreement foreshadowed considerable economic benefits for Ukraine. However, the The establishment of partnership relations between Ukraine and the EU began much later. Declaration of state Managerial decisions, weak functional and institutional consolidation of the priority of the Euro- The low level of professionalism of civil servants and the lack of knowledge in the field of European integration negatively affected the implementation of the concluded agreement. The agreement signed in 1994 entered into force only on March 1, 1998, when trade relations with Ukraine Have retreated to the background. In a December 2001 European Commission statement, it was noted that priority Tasks in Ukraine is the fight against AIDS, tuberculosis, illegal migration and organized crime. Tion. By the level of social and economic development, Ukraine lagged far behind many countries of the subregion, The level of the national economy was lower not only relative to European countries, but also to many developing countries Countries. It seems that this situation is due to the fact that Ukraine in the first 10 years of independence is not Has conducted no effective economic reform. We believe that the European Union at that time was not It is advantageous to direct large amounts of money to solve the problems of the unstable Ukrainian economy.
In this paper the public-private wage gap is estimated by means both of the OLS and the quantile regression, which will provide a more complex picture of the distribution of the public-private sector wage gap. The author finds the existence of significant public-private wage gap (about 30%) considering both observable and unobservable characteristics of workers and jobs. Using the decomposition based on quantile regression helps to answer the question about the nature of the wage differences. The author comes to the conclusion that the main reason for the gap is the institutional mechanisms of public sector wages in Russia. The analysis is based on the data from Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS-HSE) 2000-2010.
In the United States and many Western democracies, the individual personalities of voters rather than their social locations in various interest groups are presumably becoming decisive for political choice. This shift may reflect declining distinctiveness and extremity of parties as they seek the political center, increased complexity of political issues, growing interdependence among political units, and greater concern in the electorate with social relations and intimacy.
Early research on personality in politics dealt mainly with the dispositions, attitudes, and motives of voters and leaders. A broad literature attests to the merits and limitations of these approaches. More recent studies show that basic personal values largely mediate the effects of individuals’backgrounds and personality traits on voting behavior and on their core political attitudes. The 2006 ANES Pilot Study provided the first assessment of the role of basic personal values in politics in a representative American sample.
The monograph is devoted to the assessment of population health indicators and comprehensive analysis of the factors influencing on the health of indigenous people of Russian North.
Subnational political units are growing in influence in national and international
affairs, drawing increasing scholarly attention to politics beyond national capitals.
In this book, leading Russian and Western political scientists contribute to
debates in comparative politics by examining Russia’s subnational politics.
Beginning with a chapter that reviews major debates in theory and method,
this book continues to examine Russia’s 83 regions, exploring a wide range of
topics including the nature and stability of authoritarian regimes, federal politics,
political parties, ethnic conflict, governance and inequality in a comparative perspective.
Providing both qualitative and quantitative data from 20 years of original
research, the book draws on elite interaction, public opinion and the role of
institutions regionally in the post-Soviet
years. The regions vary on a number of
theoretically interesting dimensions while their federal membership provides
control for other dimensions that are challenging for globally comparative
studies. The authors demonstrate the utility of subnational analyses and show
how regional questions can help answer a variety of political questions, providing
evidence from Russia that can be used by specialists on other large countries
or world regions in cross-national
Situated within broader theoretical and methodological political science
debates, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Russian politics,
comparative politics, regionalism and subnational politics
The December protests in Moscow do not represent a “Russian Spring,” “Orange Revolution,” or new version of Perestroika. Rather they have more in common with the Progressive movement that fought corruption in the U.S. during the early part of the twentieth century. The demonstrations made clear that Russian citizens now want to play an active role in their country’s political life.
In the article the international experience of management of employment in the public sector is shown, corresponding numerical calculations are given, the thought on possibility of its use in Russia is stated. The author believes that transfer of some functions into outsourcing in frameworks of the policy of the new public management (NPM) can be one of directions of perfection of the management of employment efficiency and payment in the public sector. Simultaneously he expresses his conviction that reduction of the number of the occupied should not be mechanical, but the thought over and gradual process assuming simultaneous increase of efficiency of activity in the sphere of the public management.