Kabardian (Northwest Caucasian) displays two associative plural constructions. The first pattern exploits the suffix which is also used for the expression of additive plural: it is added to proper names and normally provides a reference to the family of the focal referent. Within the second pattern, a specific associative plural marker follows a syntactically autonomous nominal. The latter pattern possesses several specific properties: the associative plural marker governs the case of the focal nominal, which can be represented even by inanimate, non-specific and coordinate NPs. To describe the Kabardian associative plural system, we would suggest using not only a simplified version of Animacy Hierarchy (as is often done in typological literature) but involving several other hierarchies including those of definiteness/referentiality, number individuation, and morphosyntactic autonomy.
Khamnigan is a Mongolic language spoken in China. The speakers are usually polylingual having good command in Mongolian Khamnigan, Evenki Khamnigan, and Chinese. Previousely Khamnigans had intensive contacts with Russian. Although now there are no contacts with Russian culutre and language the Khamnigan language had profound traces of contacts featuring plenty of lexical and morphological borrowings. The paper analyzes various pecularities of these borrowings and their functioning in modern Khamnigan.
The paper presents a cross-linguistic investigation into specific characteristics of the expressions translated as ‘other’. We discuss the appearance of OTHER expressions at a periphery of nominal phrases or before nouns in right-branching languages, their occasional incompatibility with determiners and certain peculiarities in the expression of number. The features discussed suggest that OTHER expressions are in many respects similar to determiners, even though they should not necessarily be treated as such.
The chapter provides a detailed description of the expression of number in West Circassian.
Different inflectional endings of masculine animate and inanimate nouns in the accusative are common to Croatian and Russian and constitute Differential Object Marking (henceforth DOM) in these two languages. Additionally, Russian nouns of all genders get DOM in the plural, making this feature even more consistent. In this paper we investigate the acquisition of DOM by Russian and Croatian children. Our longitudinal data reveal that in both languages DOM is acquired early. However, the acquisition route is different. While Croatian children erroneously extend the use of the Acc=Gen to inanimate forms, Russian children start with erroneously 0-marked animate forms and switch to erroneously overmarked (Acc=Gen) forms much later.