Theories and Models of Acculturation
This chapter reviews the core meanings of the process of acculturation and its consequences for groups and individuals. At the cultural group level, acculturation involves changes in social structures and institutions and in cultural norms. At the individual psychological level, it involves changes in people’s behavioral repertoires and their eventual adaptation to these intercultural encounters. Three key issues are examined: how people choose to acculturate, how well they adapt to intercultural living, and whether there are any systematic relationships between how people acculturate and how well they adapt. The most common finding is that pursuing the integration strategy is related to higher levels of well-being. This chapter attends in particular to the health outcomes of acculturation, and seeks to outline the key features of this process that may permit the achievement of positive health and social outcomes following intercultural contact.
Recent years have witnessed a significant growth in the Russian-speaking community in Montreal, Canada. However, little is currently known about the predictors of psychological adjustment in immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU). In this study we explored the expectations that this group of immigrants (N = 271) hoped to fulfill in their adopted society, the extent to which these expectations have been fulfilled, and the impact of fulfilled expectations on psychological adjustment. We found that the degree of fulfilled expectations was significantly associated with better psychological adjustment independent of personality traits, language proficiency, and acculturation. These findings contribute to the literature on cross-cultural adaptation of immigrants from the FSU and highlight the potential importance of expectations for the study of acculturation more generally.
The collection represents the materials of the 2nd International scientific conference “The theoretical problems of ethnic and cross-cultural psychology” May, 30-31, 2014 held by Smolensk University for Humanities. The participants from Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Israel, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Republic of Korea, Ukraine, Uzbekistan shared their methodological and theoretical approaches to such basic scientific issues as transformation of the ethnic identity, cultural influence on the personality, cross-cultural interaction, ethnic conflicts, migration and acculturation psychology, ethnic socialization, policultural formation. The book might be of interest for psychologists, ethnologists, philosophers, anthropologists and other specialists working with ethnic and cross-cultural psychology.
This study examines the acculturation, experiences of discrimination and wellbeing of a representative sample of over 3000 adult second generation of immigrants in Canada; 43% were born in Canada, while 57% immigrated before the age of 12 years. Four acculturation proﬁles werecreatedusingtwosenseofbelonging questions: those whohavestrongsenseofbelonging to both Canada and own ethnic group (integrated); those who have a strong sense of belonging to Canada only (assimilated); those who have strong sense of belonging to own ethnic group only (separated); and those who have weak sense of belonging to both Canada or own ethnic group (marginalised). In the study sample, 75% areinthe integration group, 15%inassimilation, 6% in separation, and 5% in marginalization. Wellbeing is assessed with two questions about life satisfaction and self-rated mental health. Those in the integration group have a signiﬁcantly higher level on both measures of wellbeing. The experience of discrimination is signiﬁcantly associated with being in the separation group. The eﬀect of discrimination on wellbeing varied by acculturation proﬁle: marginalization ampliﬁes the eﬀect of discrimination, while assimilation mitigates it. Social and demographic factors also aﬀect wellbeing, particularly having low levels of education, income and employment. Implications for the settlement process are suggested.
This article examines intercultural relations in Crimea - one of the multicultural regions of Russia. Our goal was to test three hypotheses in Crimea: the multiculturalism hypothesis, the integration hypothesis, and the contact hypothesis. The sample included members of the ethnic majority in Crimea, Russians (N = 195), and members of the ethnic minorities, Crimean Tatars (N = 197) and Ukrainians (N = 196). Data processing was carried out using path analysis. We additionally conducted 25 interviews with the members of three ethnic groups to deeper analyze the results of the quantitative study. The results showed partial support for the multiculturalism hypothesis: perceived security was linked with support for a multicultural ideology and integration among Russians and Ukrainians, and support for multicultural ideology among Crimean Tatars, however, there was no significant correlation with tolerance in the three samples. The contact hypothesis was partially confirmed: intercultural contacts predicted support for tolerance among Russians, preference for integration among Ukrainians, and both tolerance and integration among Crimean Tatars. Integration hypothesis was fully confirmed: preference for integration promotes well-being in three samples. However, the preference for separation promoted self-esteem among Crimean Tatars and life satisfaction among three ethnic groups. The results of the research are discussed from the perspective of the socio-cultural and historical context of interethnic relations in Crimea.
Cultures are never static. Cultures change and evolve in response to a number of factors and in a bidirectional way they also change individuals even as individuals change cultures as a consequence of globalization, rapid urbanization and industrialization in many countries and settings. Some of the cultural characteristics and inherent traits in individuals are more pronetochangesthanothers.Theimpactofoneculture on another depends upon a number of factors, such as the purpose of such contact degree and the duration of this contact. If one culture invades another for political and economic reasons, the outcome is likely to be different and may lead to deculturation than if the contact is through media at a distance where changes may be slow rather than sudden. Berry, in this chapter, deﬁnes acculturation as a process of cultural and psychological change in cultural groups, families and individuals following intercultural contact. Cultural identity refers to the ways in which individuals establish and maintain connections with, and a sense of belonging to, various groups. Embedded within cultural identity are microidentities of the individual such as gender, religion, sexual orientation etc. some of which can be hidden and others are obvious. The processes and outcomes of these processes are highly variable, with large group and individual diﬀerences. This chapter focuses on describingsomeoftheseprocesses,thestrategiespeople use to deal with them, and the adaptations that result. Three questions are raised: how do individuals and groups seek to acculturate? How well do they succeed? Are there any relationships between how they go about acculturation and their psychological and sociocultural success? Berry notes that the commonest strategy is integration (deﬁned as preferring to maintain one’s cultural heritage while seeking to participate in the life of the larger society), rather than assimilation, separation or marginalization which is likely to be most adaptive.
The first goal of the MIRIPS project is to evaluate whether there is support for the three hypotheses (multiculturalism, contact and integration) in the various societies. The second goal is to examine whether support is present in both the dominant national and non-dominant ethnic groups; is there evidence of mutual views about how to engage in intercultural relations in the society? The third goal is to discover if there is a pattern of findings in the evaluation of the three hypotheses that is related to the contextual features of the societies, especially in relation to the three indexes (diversity, integration, and policy), and to historical and political factors. The fourth goal is to determine whether support found for the hypotheses constitutes a basis for a claim that they are universal principles of intercultural relations, and hence may serve as a possible basis for proposing the development of policies to improve the quality of intercultural relations. This chapter is structured according to these goals.