This book is devoted to the theoretical concepts and research on acculturation in diferent regions of the world.
The chapter is devoted to studying the role of social disidentification in acculturation preferences of ethnic minority and majority group members. Social disidentification refers to the active rejection and distancing oneself from a particular group. The study involved ethnic Russians living in Kabardino-Balkar Republic (KBR), North Caucasus, Russian Federation (N = 249), and the Kabardians and Balkars, who constitute the ethnic majority of Kabardino-Balkar Republic (N = 285). We measured ethnic, religious, republican, regional (North Caucasian), and national (belonging to Russian Federation) identities in both ethnic majority and minority group members as well as levels of national, regional, and republican disidentification. We used measures of acculturation strategies and expectations from the Mutual Intercultural Relations in Plural Societies project (http://www.victoria.ac.nz/cacr/research/mirips). Data processing was carried out using hierarchical regression analysis. The results showed that not only social identities affect the acculturation preferences but also social disidentification. We found that the republican disidentification of ethnic Russians in KBR was positively related to their separation and marginalization acculturation strategies and negatively related to their integration strategy. The regional disidentification of ethnic Russians in KBR was negatively related to their assimilation strategy and positively related to their marginalization strategy. The national (belonging to Russian Federation) disidentification of ethnic majority group members (Kabardians and Balkars) was positively related to their expectations of the segregation, assimilation, and exclusion of ethnic Russians and negatively related to their integration in the republic. In general, the study shows specific patterns of relationships between different types of social disidentification and acculturation preferences of majority and minority group members.
Much international research has examined the various ways in which immigrants engage both their new society and their heritage culture, and the relationship between these ways of engagement and their wellbeing. The present study examines these ways of engagement and this relationship in a representative sample of 7,000 immigrants to Canada. Immigrants' sense of belonging to their source country and to Canada was used to assess their 2 cultural engagements; life satisfaction and self-rated mental health were used to assess their wellbeing. The study created 4 acculturation strategies from the 2 sense of belonging measures: high sense of belonging to both their source country and to Canada (integration), high for Canada and low for source country (assimilation), low for Canada and high for source country (separation), and low for both (marginalisation). We found that those using the integration and assimilation strategies had the highest scores of life satisfaction (but they did not differ from each other), while separation and marginalisation had significantly lower scores. For mental health, integration and separation had the highest scores (but did not differ from each other), while assimilation and marginalisation had significantly lower scores. We also found that the immigrant sample had significantly higher scores of life satisfaction and mental health than the nonimmigrants sample. In addition to the relationship with acculturation strategies, we examined some demographic and social predictors of life satisfaction and mental health. Some implications for settlement policy and practice and for service to immigrants are discussed.
Cultures are never static. Cultures change and evolve in response to a number of factors and in a bidirectional way they also change individuals even as individuals change cultures as a consequence of globalization, rapid urbanization and industrialization in many countries and settings. Some of the cultural characteristics and inherent traits in individuals are more pronetochangesthanothers.Theimpactofoneculture on another depends upon a number of factors, such as the purpose of such contact degree and the duration of this contact. If one culture invades another for political and economic reasons, the outcome is likely to be different and may lead to deculturation than if the contact is through media at a distance where changes may be slow rather than sudden. Berry, in this chapter, deﬁnes acculturation as a process of cultural and psychological change in cultural groups, families and individuals following intercultural contact. Cultural identity refers to the ways in which individuals establish and maintain connections with, and a sense of belonging to, various groups. Embedded within cultural identity are microidentities of the individual such as gender, religion, sexual orientation etc. some of which can be hidden and others are obvious. The processes and outcomes of these processes are highly variable, with large group and individual diﬀerences. This chapter focuses on describingsomeoftheseprocesses,thestrategiespeople use to deal with them, and the adaptations that result. Three questions are raised: how do individuals and groups seek to acculturate? How well do they succeed? Are there any relationships between how they go about acculturation and their psychological and sociocultural success? Berry notes that the commonest strategy is integration (deﬁned as preferring to maintain one’s cultural heritage while seeking to participate in the life of the larger society), rather than assimilation, separation or marginalization which is likely to be most adaptive.
The article presents the results of a comparative study examining the relationship between different types of social identity (ethnic, national, and place identity), acculturation strategies (assimilation, integration), and psychological adaptation (satisfaction with life and self-esteem) of Russians in two sociocultural contexts: Latvia and Georgia. Participants were 320 Russians in Latvia (M = 42,89; SD = 21,19), and 312 Russians in Georgia (M = 31,11; SD = 11,67). Path analysis was used to test the relationships. The results showed that national and place identities related to integration in both countries. Direct effects of place identity on psychological well-being are universal for the studied countries, while relationships of national and ethnic identities with well-being are context specific. Indirect positive effects of national and place identities on self-esteem through integration are universal in Latvia and Georgia.