König und Kanzlist, Kaiser und Papst. Friedrich III. und Enea Silvio Piccolomini in Wiener Neustadt/Hrsg. von Franz Fuchs, Paul-Joachim Heinig und Martin Wagendorfer
Collection of studies centered on personalities od the king (later emperor) Frederic III Habsburg (1440-93), his secretary, the humanist Enea Silivio Piccolomini, the future pope Pius II (1458-64), and their mileu.
On the basis of unpublished documents and other sources the author reconstructs preparations for the funeral ceremony of Emperor Frederic III in 1493.
En 1543 Pierre Galland, recteur de l'Université de Paris et plus tard un des lecteurs royaux qui furent à l'origine du Collège de France, s'inspirant de l'argumentation humaniste tenta de diminuer la durée des études de philosophie. La durée des études, déjà réduite de cinq ans à trois ans et demi, pourrait être abbrégée encore d'une année. On croyait que cette dernière année était inutile et qu les études trop longues ne faisaient que détourner les étudiants de la philosophie. Néanmoins cette réforme rencontra l'oppostion acharnée des théologues parisiens. Qui étaient les héros principaux de ce conflit? De quoi dépendait leur argumentation? Quels problèmes se trouvaient à l'épicentre de la lutte? Des documents notariés, malgré leur forme stricte ou bien grâce à elle, ainsi que des aspects institutionnelles de l'histoire universitaire nous aident à trouver des traits nouveaux dans cette collision.
The article is devoted to the role of the language and education in foundation of humane society. Some methods and approaches offered in the article can help teachers to form positive thinking of their students who are part of humane society.
This paper deals with the humanist reception of St. Basil’s homily In illud: attende tibi ipsi up to 1532. In the XV cent., three new Latin translations were made in the circle of cardinal Bessarion: by Bessarion himself, by his protégé Athanasius Chalkeopulos, and by an anonymous author, probably Pietro Balbi. The translation of Franciscus Maturantius was published as a separate edition in 1522, and that of Rafaelle Maffei appeared in the first Latin Opera of Basil in 1515. A review of these translations and of the dedicatory epistles shows that not only the humanistic program or theological views of Basil were of interest for the humanists. Attende tibi is valued as an example of biblical exegesis and because of its moral and ascetic content. Although, on the whole, the reception centers in this period tend to distance from the Church, all our translators, except for one, are associated with the Roman Catholic Church. The comparison of the biblical “give heed to thyself” with the Delphic “know thyself”, found in Maturantius’ dedicatory letter and in Maffei’s marginalia, aims at demonstrating the superiority of Christian wisdom, not at promoting the study of philosophy. Only two of the discussed translations were published, and a more or less large-scale dissemination of Basilius Latinus starts no earlier than in the 20s. of XVI cent., when the translation of Maffei was reissued in Paris (1520 and 1523), Cologne (in 1523 and 1531) and Basel (1523).
Experts on the art and cultural history of Europe in the Middle Ages and the early modern era rarely get the chance to imagine what Howard Carter must have felt when he first discovered the treasures stashed in Tutankhamun’s tomb. A few experts from the Kunsthistorisches Museum Vienna, however, came close to experiencing something similar when they first saw the photographs commissioned in 2013 by the Dombauhütte zu St. Stephan, while discussing a collaboration to study and publish the extraordinary artefacts documented in these images. Of the fourteen burial sites of late-mediaeval kings and emperors of the Holy Roman Empire only that of Emperor Frederick III (1415-1493) was neither looted nor disturbed or altered, while its contents were documented in a way that allows us to make concrete assertions about it. In the twentieth century this gave rise to rumours that the monumental tomb in St Stephen’s Cathedral was empty, and that the emperor was not actually buried there. To counter these speculations, a tiny opening was drilled into the walls of the sarcophagus in 1969 to view and document, with the help of lamps and mirrors, the interred body and a small part of the funerary goods placed in the tomb. It was, however, not possible to take photographs. They were first produced in 2013 when the small aperture was re-opened. These images form the centre of both our research project and the final publication, which comprises essays by internationally-renowned experts exploring the tomb’s historical context and discussing what we know so far about its content. Even typical elements of a royal burial such as the ruler’s funerary insignia – crown, sceptre and orb – and the textiles covering the corpse bear witness to the extraordinary effort expended when the emperor was laid to rest. Unique are the large gilt metal plates inscribed with texts celebrating the achievements of both Frederick and his son Maximilian, who completed his father’s tomb after the former’s death and had him buried there in 1513, two decades after he had died. Unique too for the period is the use of a coffin lined with glazed ceramic tiles; they, and the coinlike coinage dating from the emperor’s reburial