Карл Шмитт, Лео Штраус и «Понятие политического». О диалоге отсутствующих
This is a contribution to the French-Russian Conference on Joseph de Maistre. Joseph de Maistre was a famous theorist and proponent of counter-revolution. He criticized the theory of the popular sovereignty of Rousseau and elaborated his own theory of the royal sovereignty. However, he was no advocate of the so-called decisionism, as Carl Schmitt depicted him in his writings on political theology.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
The preface to the translation of "Politics" by C. Schmitt. Schmitt in 1933-36 aspired (though rather unsuccessfully) to become an ideological guru of the Nazi regime, that was only in the process of formation then. It allows to formulate the question about the guilt of the thinker, but doesn't prevent to find the theoretical contents in his works of this period. Criticism of parliamentary democracy and understanding the political as an opposition of enemies lead Schmitt to the concept of a tripartite political unity of people, state and movement. He sees the Nazi regime as a new kind of politics based not on struggle, but on mobilization of the people conducted by the Führer. This design turned out to be not only politically vicious, but also theoretically defective, however its studying is an instructive experience.
In the article, the author analyses the conception of people as a political body (corpus politicum) described in the text of the “Siete Partidas” of Alphonse X the Wise, king of Castile and Leon (1252–1284). In the frame of this theory, the people are considered as a whole body and the king as its soul, heart and head. The multitude can become the people only being united by the love to the king. The author criticizes the hypothesis according to which the principal sources of Alphonse's political theory were the works of St.Thomas Aquinas and John of Salisbury and proposed the other version. According to his version, such sources were, first of all, the texts of the tradition of political Augustinism, i.e., the “De civitate Dei” of St.Augustine and the “Sententiarum Libri tres” of Isidor of Seville.
The manuscript examines the process of formation and development of the idea of transnationalism on the material of Russian political philosophy of the 20th century. Taking into account the processes of political and cultural globalization, the author examines the causes and nature of the formation of transnational identities and transnational intellectual networks and communities.
The volume also examines such issues as the role of «transnational intellectuals» in overcoming of the xenophobia and images of «political enemy», it focuses on the evolution of the phenomena of cosmopolitanism, patriotism and nationalism under the globalization, the intellectual practices of desecuritization of political discourse. The author researches formation of flexible transnational identities and transnational epistemic communities as means to overcome the crisis of multiculturalism. In a comparative historical perspective and in the dialogue between Russian, European and American authors, the book offers a case study of political ideas by S. Frank, M. Mamardashvili, M. Epstein and several other thinkers whose works can be regarded as contributions to the emergence of transnational intellectual cooperation in the 20th century.
The monograph may be of interest to students in the field of political theory, international relations and philosophy, as well as a wide range of readers interested in the problem of the construction of political identities in the era of globalization.