The Eurasian Economic Union and the Europian Union
The building of an increasingly integrated system from an economic point of view in the “Eurasian” space is a phenomenon superficially evaluated by that broad part of the Western literature which simply includes it in the general claim of Russia to win lost territories of the former Trsarist and Soviet Empires. It is therefore considered an almost pretentious project when analyzed from a purely geopolitical perspective rather than economic. Such kind of approach may, however, be short-sighted, in the absence of a detailed study of the complex roots or the historical, cultural and economic conditions justifying the integration on the former Soviet Union space, and in particular on the Eurasian one.
The present volume contains the contributions of experts from different disciplines with different sensitivity and national memberships. The hot confrontation between speakers from Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania on the one hand and Russia on the other seems to be constructive, a positive model of interaction between historically and geographically close worlds even if in a period of tough opposition.
This volume analyzes the evolution of geo-political and economic integration in the Eurasian area. The Eurasian integration is a growing phenomenon and the largest scale analysis proves necessary to avoid simplistic judgments based only on the geo-political approach. The editors of this publication present different profiles of integration, such as the geo-political and constitutional aspect, the relations with the European Union, migration issues, energy flows, the compatibility between the Eurasian and the WTO law, and the comparison with the European integration model. The book presents a wide range of viewpoints through essays of specialists from Russia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, Italy, France.
The monograph reflects on the dynamics of the EU role in global governance processes, presents analysis of the methods and instruments the EU employs for achieving its objectives in the international arenas, models and options of multilateral partnerships. The EU’s evolving role and influence in the G7/G8 over the last ten years reflecting its growth in power and influence as well as the EU expanding community competencies and legal authority is specifically explored, as an area which so far has not been sufficiently investigated. The work is tracing the transformation of the EU identity as a global actor in the recent decade and looks into how these changes affect the EU – Russia relationship. The book adds value to the scholarly literature in the field of studying the EU as a global actor. The contributions aim to serve as a reference and analysis for academics and students in the fields of political science, economics, law and other disciplines. The work aspires to be helpful to government officials, financial institutions, research libraries, the news media, and to members of the interested public.
In the next two years, the UK will be faced with a complicated geopolitical situation. The relations with its two key partners – the EU and the USA – will be changed. The USA, when dealing with European issues, will begin to rely on Germany rather than on the UK. It will be necessary to negtiate with the EU a new relationship model that will envisage that the UK should not participate in the decision-making process inside the European Union, and should have no internal inﬂuence there. Simultaneously, there will be a need for negotiations on new trade agreements with a number of countries that are not EU member states, because the UK, once it has withdrawn from the US, will automatically ﬁ nd itself outside of the international trade agreements concluded on behalf of the EU, including those in the framework of the WTO.
For the first time since World War II, the U.S. seem to lose leadership at the multilateral trade talks shifting accents to bilateral and regional trade cooperation. The main reason for the shift is a deadlock at the WTO Doha-round negotiations where the U.S. face opposition of the steadily growing economies of India, China and Brazil.
Торговые переговоры, ГАТТ, ВТО, США, многосторонняя торговая система, ЕС, Япония, ИНДИЯ, КИТАЙ, Бразилия, Дж. Буш-мл., Б. Обама, М. Баррозу, Р. Зеллик, П. Лами, Р. Кирк, Л. да Силва, Карел де Гюхт, АТЭС, НАФТА, АСЕАН, трансатлантическое партнерство, "двадцатка", trade talks, GATT, WTO, U.S., Multilateral Trading System, Eu, Japan, India, China, Brazil, G.-W. Bush, B. Obama, M. Barrozo, R. Zoellick, P. Lamy, R. Kirk, L. da Silva, Karel de Gucht, APEC, NAFTA, ASEAN, Transatlantic Partnership, G 20
The article is devoted to a particular form of freedom of assembly — the right to counter-demonstrate. The author underlines the value of this right as an element of democratic society, but also acknowledges the risk of violent actions among participants of opposing demonstrations. Due to this risk, the government may adopt adequate measures restricting the right to counter-demonstrate, certain types of which are analyzed in this paper.
Development of standards of international controllability is reviewed in the article. Institutional approach is applied to development of international legal regime of Energy Charter. Definition of controllability is connected to development of international standards of dispute settlement, which are described in the article in detail. In connection with controllability, Russian interest, defense of investment in European Union and ecological investment encouragement, is reviewed in the article.
мировое управление и управляемость, Мировая экономика, международное экономическое право, энергетическая хартия, International control and controllability, International economics, international economic law, Energy Charter
международное частное право; недвижимость; ; школа бартолистов; бартолисты; теория статутов; статуарная теория/