Народонаселение современной России: риски и возможности
The article 2 (article 1 in “OSS and CW” 2017, no. 4) demonstrates factors determined the reforms’ tendencies in the Russian social policy in 1900th, manly in labor market: it’s inertness from soviet policy jointly with influence of social state models realized in the western counties mattered. It’s shown the transition from quasi-market employment relationships at early post-soviet stage to real ones were overburdened by struggle of the governing circles who tried to direct the social policy course in the most beneficial for them variant. During this period the format of social contract, labor market transformation, its competitiveness and dependence from bureaucracy were corrected which rather carried the affirmation of state monopolistic corporate capitalism in the country.
The book analyses models of the welfare state and their impact on the nonprofit sector development in European countries and in Russia. It opens with the description of theoretical concepts and shows how nonprofit sector and civil society evolve within specific political regimes or models of social policy governance. Social origin theory was employed in order to show how neoliberal tendencies have influenced the nonprofit sector evolvement. In a nutshell, this theory explains patterns of civil society development cross-nationally. The analysis of Russian situation aims at identifying the model of the nonprofit sector deployment in this county in correlation with other European societies. Scholars consider Russian case as a model of “deferred democratization” with selective approach toward different NGOs and government domination in social sphere. The empirical analysis of Russian case enabled to identify three main characteristics of policy towards civil society organizations: neoliberal attempts to involve NGOs into service provision, resistance of paternalism and state support for limited scope of organizations and selective policy toward various organizations in terms of interest representation (state corporatism).
Russia ’ s government initiated pension reform in 2013 to resolve a crisis: the prolonged recession had created a huge Pension Fund de ﬁ cit that required unsustainable subsidies from the state budget. The article analyzes four sets of in ﬂ uences on that reform: those from above (high-level policy makers), inside (government ministries, legislators), below (civil society, public opinion), and outside (international actors, policy learning). We ﬁ nd that the strongest in ﬂ uences come from above and inside, and analyze the con ﬂ icting policy preferences of key actors on reversal of pension privatization, indexation of payments, and age of eligibility. The policy process is protracted and fails to resolve major issues. Irresolution results from the leadership ’ s effort to avoid blame for pension bene ﬁ t cuts despite the weakness of civil society ’ s in ﬂ uence. The current reform effort has been tentative, halting, and indecisive, indicating a government with a diminished capacity to resolve this major social policy problem.
On the basis of in-depth case studies of four Russian regions, Kirov and Voronezh oblasts and Krasnoyarsk and Perm' krais, the trade-offs among social and economic policy at the regional level in Russia are examined. All four regional governments seek to develop entrepreneurship while preserving social welfare obligations and improving compensation in the public sector. Richer regions have a greater ability to reconcile social commitments with the promotion of business. Regions differ in their development strategies, some placing greater emphasis on indigenous business development and others seeking to attract federal or foreign investment. Governors have considerable discretion in choosing their strategy so long as they meet basic performance demands set by the federal government such as ensuring good results for the United Russia party. In all four regions, governments consult actively with local business associations whereas organized labor is weak. However, the absence of effective institutions to enforce commitments undertaken by government and its social partners undermines regional capacity to use social policy as a basis for long-term economic development.
Justice and Home Affairs is one of the fastest expanding areas of research in European Studies. The European response to security concerns such as terrorism, organised crime networks, and drug trafficking as well as to the challenge of managing migration flows are salient topics of interest to an increasing number of scholars of all disciplines, the media and general public. This handbook takes stock of policy development and academic research in relation to justice and home affairs and analyses the field in an unprecedented thematic depth.
The book comprehensively investigates the field from the perspective of the three dimensions central to European integration: the sectoral (policies), the horizontal (states, regions) and the vertical (institutions, decision-making) dimensions. It also discusses the most important theoretical approaches used in this research area and provides the reader with a state of the art picture of the field.
By adopting such a comprehensive and broad-based approach, the handbook is uniquely positioned to be an important referent for scholars, practitioners and students interested in the area of justice, home affairs and European politics.
Russia is undergoing a reform of its child welfare system. The general aim of the reform is deinstitutionalization. This implies fundamental changes at the ideological and institutional levels to redesign the system of residential care for children left without parental care and to develop a system of family placement. Based on expert interviews, the article examines the institutional logic of the reform implementation, presenting expert opinions on how care should be organized for children left without parental care in terms of ideals of care, as well as institutional structure (location of care, agents involved in care, and resources available to those agents). As a theoretical framework we use the neoinstitutional approach, in particular, the theory of social learning and the strategic interaction approach. The article identifies main players in the reform arena (state residentialinstitutions, NGOs, and foster families), as well as the discursive strategies they use to legitimize their role, action strategies, their ideas about children’s well-being, and ideas about how childcare should ideally be arranged. We identify three competing ideal care models: paternalistic, quasi-liberal, and familial. These models present paradigmatic directions of deinstitutionalization of care for children left without parental care, resulting from the current reforms the child welfare system.
In this chapter we aim to examine the discourses created and reproduced through the interaction between single mothers and representatives of social services. The analysis is based on twenty-six interviews with single mothers and six interviews with social workers conducted in 2001–2003, and six interviews with single mothers and three with social workers conducted in 2006 in the Saratov region in Russia, as well as official documents and the publications of other researchers. In our interviews with mothers, we focused on the issues of familial well-being and interactions with social services, while social workers were asked to discuss their experiences with clients. A short overview of statistics and social policy terminology prefaces a discussion of how mother-headed families and state social policy interrelate and affect each other. The subsequent sections contain analysis of the interviews with single mothers who, as the heads of low-income households, interact with the social service system. The analysis demonstrates that single mothers are frustrated by inadequate assistance and the impossibility of improving their life situations. The discussion goes on to show that social workers, who are used to interpreting complex issues in the life situations of single mothers as individual psychological peculiarities, tend to blame the victim, thus ignoring important social conditions and imposing on women a responsibility for problems that are societal in origin.
Smoking is a problem, bringing signifi cant social and economic costs to Russiansociety. However, ratifi cation of the World health organization Framework conventionon tobacco control makes it possible to improve Russian legislation accordingto the international standards. So, I describe some measures that should be taken bythe Russian authorities in the nearest future, and I examine their effi ciency. By studyingthe international evidence I analyze the impact of the smoke-free areas, advertisementand sponsorship bans, tax increases, etc. on the prevalence of smoking, cigaretteconsumption and some other indicators. I also investigate the obstacles confrontingthe Russian authorities when they introduce new policy measures and the public attitudetowards these measures. I conclude that there is a number of easy-to-implementanti-smoking activities that need no fi nancial resources but only a political will.
One of the most important indicators of company's success is the increase of its value. The article investigates traditional methods of company's value assessment and the evidence that the application of these methods is incorrect in the new stage of economy. So it is necessary to create a new method of valuation based on the new main sources of company's success that is its intellectual capital.