Establishing international development assistance strategy in Russia
The paper analyses the process of establishment and development of the national system of international development assistance in Russia. The analysis covers the period starting from 2005 when key national priorities for international development assistance were defined and amounts of foreign aid were substantially increased on the threshold of Russia’s G8 Presidency preparations. The emerging structure of governance, the aid flows and amounts of allocated ODA, as well as the funding priorities in the sphere of development assistance are described on the basis of the analysis of official documents, statements and speeches of officials, reports of international institutions, and statistics available for public access. Russia’s participation in multilateral international organizations and institutions in the sphere of development cooperation is also considered. Drawing on the results of the analysis the author proposes recommendations for further development of the national system of international development assistance in Russia.
The article analyses the EU activity in assisting developing countries to develop energy sector throughperspective of the functional approach. The author identifies the EU approach by assessing EU compliance with the G8 commitments on assisting developing countries to develop energy sector. The assessment is made on the basis of the analysis of EU implementation of its commitments made in four major spheres of international engagement for energy development, such as ensuring developing countries’ access to modern energy sources, clean energy development, raw natural energy resources, sustainable management and environmental protection. In order to ensure comprehensive and unbiased assessment the author applies the methodology of global governance delivery function approach and compares EU compliance with compliance of other traditional donors such as USA and emerging donors such as Russia. In conclusion some recommendations on how to raise effectiveness in assisting developing countries to develop energy sector are made for the Russian Federation.
Health is an indispensable public good. At the national level it has been manifested in the BRICS governments’ commitment to scale up health financing, though to a different degree. At the global level it is evidenced by the international community progress on the three health-related Millennium Development Goals. However despite successes in fighting infectious diseases, child and maternal mortality, old risks persist and new challenges emerge, resulting from the 2008 financial crisis, current slack economic growth and growing economic inequality. The BRICS face these challenges and have begun cooperation on health issues. It is important that they build their emerging health agenda recognizing these challenges, committing to develop sustainable policy solutions, and cooperating with other actors to promote effective health governance for change. To explore how the BRICS contribute towards global health governance the article first considers the BRICS cooperation (its institutionalization, discourse, and engagement with other international institutions) with a focus on health issues. The authors then look into the BRICS members’ national health systems, challenges and goals. The article concludes with expectations of the BRICS future health agenda and its implications for global governance.
The monograph reflects on the dynamics of the EU role in global governance processes, presents analysis of the methods and instruments the EU employs for achieving its objectives in the international arenas, models and options of multilateral partnerships. The EU’s evolving role and influence in the G7/G8 over the last ten years reflecting its growth in power and influence as well as the EU expanding community competencies and legal authority is specifically explored, as an area which so far has not been sufficiently investigated. The work is tracing the transformation of the EU identity as a global actor in the recent decade and looks into how these changes affect the EU – Russia relationship. The book adds value to the scholarly literature in the field of studying the EU as a global actor. The contributions aim to serve as a reference and analysis for academics and students in the fields of political science, economics, law and other disciplines. The work aspires to be helpful to government officials, financial institutions, research libraries, the news media, and to members of the interested public.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.
The paper presents analysis of the G8 and G20 assistance to developing countries in overcoming the consequences of economic and financial crisis. It assesses the G8's and G20's implementation of key global governance functions and highlights their engagement with international organizations. In conclusion the author gives recommendations for rational division of labour between the institutions in international development assistance.
The research aimed to study EU as a global player. This included the instruments the EU relies on to express its priorities and achieve its objectives, EU methods to engage international partners, European ways to creating global public good through partnerships and multilateral institutions. The analysis focused especially on the EU’s evolving role in the G7/G8 over the last ten years reflecting its growth as soft power and the EU expanding community competencies and legal authority. The timeframe of the analysis spanned the period from 1998 to 2008 to account for the most important developments following signing of the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1997, birth and development of the ESDP and ESS, enlargement of the EU enhancing its representative weight in the international institutions, further extension of the EU competencies; as well as changing international order, and not least of all the start of the G8 in 1998. It has to be noted that though the study focuses on the recent decade whereas the Amsterdam Treaty provisions on the CFSP entered into force in 1999 reinforcing the legal and institutional foundations of the MS political and security cooperation, the research could not ignore the historical role of the EC – EU in the G7/G8.
The 2012 G8 summit, hosted by US president Barack Obama at the presidential retreat of Camp David in Maryland on 18-19 May, promises to be a particularly significant event. It takes place in the political lead-up to the US presidential election in November 2012, and is being held in tandem with a summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in Chicago on 20-21 May. The summit will feature a full-strength agenda, including a global economy struggling to generate growth and jobs, delivery of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as the due date of 2015 moves closer, and security in troubled regions and countries where the G8’s core mission of promoting democracy and reform is acutely at stake. The G8 Camp David Summit publication features articles by German chancellor Angela Merkel and Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper on the key issues that will be under discussion.
For the past 37 years, the annual G8 summits have generated a wide breadth of declarations and communiqués binding the leaders to hard commitments across a diverse range of global policy issues. The extent to which the G8 members comply with their annual commitments has, in recent years, become a hotly contested topic, pitting academics, politicians, policy wonks and newsmakers against each other in an effort to understand whether commitments by the G8 do, in fact, matter. Given this era of ongoing domestic political constraints and conflicting global demands, does the G8 have the ability and, indeed, the capacity not only to make, but also to keep the commitments its members collectively generate at their annual summits?