Article
Интеллектуальная нищета высоких стремлений
The author analyzes problems and prospects of moral and civic education in Russian schools and considers two different approaches with regard to «value-unfree» or moral education: propaganda, on the one hand, and «open» education - on the other. The first approach involves a simple solution: mass education, integration of verbalized values in school curricula, imposition of unified standards, «spiritual» patterns and imperatives. This paradigm reduces the cultural diversity of society and the differential value orientations and simplifies representations of the structure of the system of values and mechanisms of its formation. The question of educational technologies and methods that would take into account individual experience of students stays behind the scenes. «Spirituality» is identified with religion. The second, «experience-based» approach is grounded on the idea of mediated formation of values - i. e. the formation is a natural process and values are formed through practical activities, experience, thoughts and reflections. The author emphasizes the need to shift the focus from the total forms of moral education to a more dynamic and individualized approach to educational activities.
The “Dedikatsiya” (‘Dedication’) opening the Russian Vice-Chancellor P. P. Shafirov’s book “Razsuzhdenie o prichinah Sveyskoi voiny” (“Discource Concerning the Just Causes of the War Between Sweden and Russia: 1700–1721”) was known in historiography in printed editions of 1717–1722. It is the first time that the original archival manuscript of “Dedikatsiya” is published.
This volume brings together twenty four articles by eminent historians from around Europe, presented in form of papers at the international conference on the Crimean War (1853-1856) held in Warsaw in 2007.
The First World War became a watershed in the European and world history. 100 years after the outbreak of the Great War historians continue to debate a role of this milestone event in the development of European civilization. The authors of the monograph try to make their own contribution to this discussion.
Designated for historians and for all those interested in the history of early twentieth-century Europe and Russia.
This book is the essential guide for understanding how state power and politics are contested and exercised on social media. It brings together contributions by social media scholars who explore the connection of social media with revolutions, uprising, protests, power and counter-power, hacktivism, the state, policing and surveillance. It shows how collective action and state power are related and conflict as two dialectical sides of social media power, and how power and counter-power are distributed in this dialectic. Theoretically focused and empirically rigorous research considers the two-sided contradictory nature of power in relation to social media and politics. Chapters cover social media in the context of phenomena such as contemporary revolutions in Egypt and other countries, populism 2.0, anti-austerity protests, the fascist movement in Greece's crisis, Anonymous and police surveillance.
Based on the recognition of the principle of polysemy of the Institute of propaganda, it can be argued that Soviet propaganda during the great Patriotic war, despite its main thrust mobilization, carried out a variety of functions and interpret different ideological orientations. First of all, we are talking about the ratio in the propaganda documents of wartime Patriotic and international components, as well as on the formation on the basis of these, at first glance, incompatible ideological constructs, the concept of «Soviet patriotism». The beginning of this ideological turn coincided with the release of the red army on the Soviet border, and the process of ousting the «traditional» Patriotic patriotism «Soviet» lasted until the beginning of 1946.
The article explains the need for a new theory of social education in connection with modernization reforms in Russian education. Investments in education are justified only when there are measurements to estimate their effectiveness. The auhor identifies the need to measure effectiveness of social education in terms of human capital.
This book is the essential guide for understanding how state power and politics are contested and exercised on social media. It brings together contributions by social media scholars who explore the connection of social media with revolutions, uprising, protests, power and counter-power, hacktivism, the state, policing and surveillance. It shows how collective action and state power are related and conflict as two dialectical sides of social media power, and how power and counter-power are distributed in this dialectic. Theoretically focused and empirically rigorous research considers the two-sided contradictory nature of power in relation to social media and politics. Chapters cover social media in the context of phenomena such as contemporary revolutions in Egypt and other countries, populism 2.0, anti-austerity protests, the fascist movement in Greece's crisis, Anonymous and police surveillance.
Institutions affect investment decisions, including investments in human capital. Hence institutions are relevant for the allocation of talent. Good market-supporting institutions attract talent to productive value-creating activities, whereas poor ones raise the appeal of rent-seeking. We propose a theoretical model that predicts that more talented individuals are particularly sensitive in their career choices to the quality of institutions, and test these predictions on a sample of around 95 countries of the world. We find a strong positive association between the quality of institutions and graduation of college and university students in science, and an even stronger negative correlation with graduation in law. Our findings are robust to various specifications of empirical models, including smaller samples of former colonies and transition countries. The quality of human capital makes the distinction between educational choices under strong and weak institutions particularly sharp. We show that the allocation of talent is an important link between institutions and growth.