Спрос элит на право: «эффект трамвая»
The predominant Post-Soviet orientation of the Russian social consciousness on stability as a reaction to the twofold collapse of the country during the 20th century is now receding. In the past quarter of a century (after the collapse of USSR and the adoption of 1993 Russian Constitution) the goals of the transitional period have been fulfilled as officially reported, a new generation has come of age, and new dynamic social groups are beginning to associate their perspectives with social changes. This growing demand for change is mainly concerned with the social sphere, but could potentially touch the area of constitutional priorities as well. The general problem is as follows: how can the Russian Constitution and political order based on it answer this growing request to fulfill still unarticulated social expectations which, under certain preconditions, could provide a negative mood? On the other hand, how can social change influence society’s vision of the Constitution, as well as the attitudes of intellectuals, politicians, and officials? In what ways will the Constitution need to adapt for the forthcoming global and national social transformations, first of all in order to confront the question of power transition in 2024. In this article the author debates the following questions: the main contemporary challenges to Russian constitutionalism, the interdependent logic of Constitutional basic norms and political regime dynamics, the dysfunctions of the legal system and parameters of political reforms prospects for developing constitutional order in light of power-transition processes, and the possible answers of the political elite and professional community to the growing demand for social and constitutional change.
The article concerns the problem of the Russian absolutist monarchy of the XVIII - the beginning of XX-th centuries in a comparative perspective. The social function of absolutism consisted in national integration, cultural unification and social transformation of traditional society by using of legal and coercive measures. The crucial problem is the changing role of the bureaucracy which could be the main protagonist of reforms or, just the opposite – its main opponent. From this point of view the author summarizes positive and negative aspects of absolutist reforms making outlook on the comparative experience of other absolutist empires of Europe and Asia.
The article is devoted to the issue of regional representation in Russian parliament. The level of regional representation did not decrease, but even slightly increased in the State Duma of the fifth convocation. The author tries to answer the question how the change in the electoral system can influence the configuration of elites in the party lists and how parties' opportunities were changed by loopholes in the law, also why the «United Russia» won the 2007 electoral campaign.
In the article are : the social bases of power as a nation, the nation, the elite, the elemental forces of the political market. It is noted that the idealistic view on social grounds authorities do not correspond to modern realities. Long enough described expenses provisions on the management Board of the nation. It is proposed to consider the rationalist approach in the determination of the constitutions of the social bases of power. The examples of the constitutions of a number of foreign States, in which the provisions of popular sovereignty is not understood completely. Russia proposes changing approaches to understanding the essence of popular sovereignty and representative government.