Суфийский nafs как термин доктрины и персонаж жития: проблемы перевода
The idea of nafs (literally arab. soul; self) is on the list of the key Sufi concepts; the term assumed importance both in doctrine and in the stories of the saints or the “God’s friends” (awliyā), who were always in struggle with their carnal souls and never persevered in attempts to tame the recalcitrant nafs. The first part of the paper gives
a brief overview of the meaning of the term nafs (from the Quran to Sufi teachings) and traces the stage by stage development of the “carnal soul” connotation; the variety of the translations is also under discussion. The second part centres around the uses of the term in ʻAttar’s compendium Taẕkirat al awliyā (Memorial of God’s Friends). The
narrative there is permeated with episodes of self-restraint; the descriptions of a Saint’s struggle with his own self (nafs) or his carnal soul (nafs) constitute a specific theme cluster of the hagiographic narration. ʻAttar mostly translated the stories from the Arab sources, however he arranged them following the Iranian didactic tradition.
Under his pen nafs has become a narrative personage, a devious and perfidious character more powerful than Iblis himself.
The case of a Sufi shrine of the Dagestani origin in Turkey examined in the article relates to the history of shared transnational Sufi networks. The naqshbandiyya-halidiya brotherhood of the Ottoman origin once moved from the Middle East to Russia’s borderlands in the Eastern Caucasus and then came back to the Ottoman Empire from the North Caucasus. Dagestani Sufi networks and holy places represent a specific kind of interactions between the Muslim elites in the Middle East, the North Caucasus, the Volga-Ural region, and Anatolia from the late nineteenth century up today. The biographies of Muhammad and Sharaf ad-Din from Kikuni buried in Turkey are well documented in various written sources, epigraphs, and oral histories. They participated in the 1877 Uprising, were exiled in the Volga region, and then immigrated to the Ottoman Empire. Their biographies show that the Naqshbandiya-Khalidiyya often crossed political boundaries and ideological barriers established in the region during the demarcation of the possessions of the Ottoman Turkey and the Russian Empire. The exchange of territories and subjects between Turkey and Russia over the past one and a half centuries led to the emergence of hybrid identities. The article traces a micro-history of an identity in a muhajir (immigrant) village community in Western Anatolia. Contrary to popular belief, the Sufi brotherhood never represented a single elusive player in the “Big Game” between the Great Powers. Rather, it included numerous rival factions whose leaders formed complex relations with each other and with local political elites. Sufi ritual networks were and still are closely connected to more local networks of sacred sites (ziyarats) in the regions.
An introduction to the current Byzantine hagiographical studies and projects
In recent years Byzantine hagiography has attracted renewed interest of the international community of Byzantine scholars and not only thanks to studies dedicated to this subject and critical editions of individual texts, but also because hagiography has been the main focus of numerous major research projects: databases, new repertories, a new version of the Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca and some very useful handbooks dedicated to this literary genre during the Byzantine Empire. These researches have analysed Byzantine hagiography in relation to the hagiographic writings composed in neighbouring areas, the West, the Syriac and Arabic Middle East, the Southern Slavs, etc. but also the relations between the hagiographical texts and other literary genres.
This volume introduces the current developments of hagiographical studies and on-going projects on the subject, and investigates a variety of texts and authors from the Patristic period to the end of Byzantium.
Antonio Rigo is Professor of Byzantine Philology and Christianity at Ca' Foscari - University of Venice. His research focuses on religious life in Byzantium, with special emphasis on ascetical and mystical literature, heresiology, and theology during the Paleologan period.
Memorial to Sevir Chernetsov, outstandinf africcan and Ethiopic scholar
The Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch has come down to us in two main versions – Coptic and Georgian – of which the Coptic is much longer due to the addition of some extra episodes mainly dedicated to different miraculous events in the martyr’s story: there are magi, dragons, demons and even walking statues, and the account, relatively sober in Georgian, has a much more fantastic character in Coptic. One of the most interesting parts of the narrative is the episode which relates the events that led to the repentance and conversion of Philotheus’ parents, Antiochian pagans of noble birth and great wealth. The following chain of events can be derived from all different versions of the Martyrdom: the boy is brought to offer a sacrifice to the mysterious calf which his parents worship; the calf has a conversation with Philotheus and then receives permission from Philotheus to kill his parents; it attacks them and gores them to death; the parents are left to lie dead and unburied for three days until Philotheus finally revives them. They repent of their previous idolatry and receive baptism from a Christian priest. Since this episode appears to be one of the focal points of the Coptic liturgical hymns in honour of St Philotheus and is clearly very important for the construction of the Martyrdom of St Philotheus and further development of his cult in the Coptic Church, it deserves a closer attention, as it provides yet another opportunity for dating and placing the Martyrdom of St Philotheus in a broader context of contemporary Coptic literature.
Onomastic of the Life of Gäbrä Krestos, famous champion of the Ethiopic hagiography. He was Syriabn and his name turns to be most enigmatic in the Syro-Ethiopic hagiography.
The study concerns the veneration of saints in the traditional peasant culture of the XIX-early XXI century. and specifically - the legends of the saints, their interaction with literary and folklore tradition. Many literary lives of the saints are based on folklore legends, but sometimes the influence may have the opposite direction: the lives of saints being retold and changed in the oral tradition acquire the characteristics of folklore of legends. In the monograph the mechanisms of legends transformation and functioning are studied, The socio-cultural role and functions of folk legends about saints, their interaction with the literary lives of the saints, as well as a detailed analysis in the ethnographic and historical context of the corps of folklore texts, about the saints Alexander Oshevensky, Cyrill Chelmogorsky, Nil StoLobensky, Nikita Stylites and Irinarkh the Recluse.
The Second Evangelisation of the Axumite kingdom was operated by Syrian monks coming from Roman Empire. They brought to Axum some important practices from their original places. These ensured their missionary success but they also introduced some novelties into social practices of local Christians. One of these practices was the name change as a consequence of ascetic behavior. Syriac ascetics either rejected their names of took upon themselves new Christian names like Man of God, Man of Christб Minister of Christ. Some of these rejection cases are well known from the Syriac monastic tradition (e. g. Alexius), other did not reject the name but showed themselves reluctant to accept old names (like Archelides). In Axum Za-Mikael Arägawi and НуMata Libanos were good examples of the implementation of these practices. In doing that Ethiopic ascetic of Syriac background tried to re-establish the society they were living in on new evangelical cornerstone — the new world should reject the old one.
The author examines the delicate relationship between such phenomena as philosophy and popular culture. After formulating three attitudes of philosophers working with popular culture (left-critical, right-critical and left-objectivistic), the author proposes the term «crossroad» to show at what point of evolution of philosophy of culture and social theory during the XXth century converged popular culture and philosophy. This «crossroad» turned out to be post-modernism in such representation in which the American Marxist philosopher Fredric Jame-son began to talk about. Postmodernism before Jameson was understood as a trend in art, and only Jameson came up with the idea to extend it to the entire culture that dissolved in during the 1970s in the economy. It was Jameson who first stated the thesis that nowadays high and popular culture represent a single space. Briefly describing Jameson's approach, the author shows what this synthesis of postmodern philosophy and popular culture has led to. Recog-nizing popular culture as legitimate, and its then state as «postmodern», social philosophers began to develop the idea of expansion of culture into the social sphere, however, not in everything agreeing with Jameson. The author emphasizes the idea that the beginning of the XXI century was marked by a surge of philosophical interest in popular culture.
The article examines a problem besetting social theory and theory of culture: the problem of using postmodernism as a language for describing the 21st century. The author resorts to the umbrella term “post-postmodernism” to indicate the more complex theories that focus mainly on the analysis of the latest forms of capitalism rather than the concepts that offer themselves as direct alternatives to postmodernism even though they ignore the link between postmodernism and capitalism. The author takes up the idea, first argued for by the American Marxist philosopher Fredric Jameson, that postmodernism is the cultural logic of late capitalism and then uses Jameson’s approach in an attempt to retrace the continuity of new concepts of capitalism. The discussion begins with the theory of capitalist realism developed by leftist British thinker Mark Fisher. Fisher recognizes Jameson’s merits but takes exception to the term “postmodernism,” although the entire philosophical apparatus that Fisher uses is borrowed from Jameson’s work. The article then bridges the gap between capitalist realism and the latest left-wing theories such as accelerationism and post-capitalism. After tracing the close connection between the work of Mark Fisher and Nick Land, who worked together in the 1990’s at the Cybernetic Culture Research Unit (CCRU) and the ideas of Nick Srnicek, the author asks why Srnicek and his colleagues are put off by Fredric Jameson’s postmodern theory. The answer is that postmodernism does not permit contemporary leftists to speculate about the future. However, as the author points out, Jameson’s ideas about postmodernism at the “genetic level” are implicit in Srnicek’s concept of post-capitalism, which makes Srnicek’s theory “post-postmodernist,” although as a negative variation (in contrast to Mark Fisher’s positive one).
Abulkasim Lahuti entered the history of Iranian literature as a poet-revolutionary, who made a significant contribution to the “renewal” of Persian poetry and the development of Iranian poetic modernity. He began his career with Sufi ghazals, wrote civil poems imbued with the ideas of Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911, and in the USSR became the founder of modern Tajik poetry. He dedicated a lot of Persian lines to the victory of October Revolution, and building of socialism. Almost all his poems follow the classical norm, both in form, and in their narrative techniques. This article focuses on Lahuti’s poem The Story of a Rose, created in 1938 as a private letter to Josef Stalin to convey a private message to the ruler asking to help Solomon Michoels and his Jewish Theater (GOSET). We preface our publication with the story behind the poem; shedding some light on the poem’s goal and the subsequent fate of its author. Dāstān-e gol is published in Persian, with Russian prosaic translation and Banu Lahuti’s verse rendition, sent to Stalin along with the original, and conclude this article with an analysis of the poem, focusing mostly on the rhetorical strategy of persuasion chosen by Lahuti in his attempt to influence the ruler by means of poetry.