Суверенитет: политический и правовой смысл
In the article the author given the state of modern political and legal system analyzes the concept and essence of sovereignty, and highlights its political and legal perspective. Special attention is paid to characteristic political and legal sovereignty and their interrelationships. The author formulates the definition of "sovereignty", "political sovereignty", "legal sovereignty".
This volume examines the complex international system of the twenty first century from a variety of perspectives. Proceeding from critical theoretical perspectives and incorporating case studies, the chapters focus on broad trends as well as micro-realities of a Post-Westphalian international system. The process of transformation and change of the international system has been an ongoing cumulative process. Many forces including conflict, technological innovation, and communication have contributed to the creation of a transnational world with political, economic, and social implications for all societies. Transnationalism functions both as an integrative factor and one which exposes the existing and the newly emerging divisions between societies and cultures and between nations and states. The chapters in this volume demonstrate that re-thinking fundamental assumptions as well as theoretical and methodological premises is central to understanding the dynamics of interdependence.
Italy has become the first country of the EU where, after the parliamentary elections held in March 2018, the government coalition was formed by two populist parties - the “League” and the “Five Stars Movement”. During the first year in power, the new “government of change” came into confrontation with Brussels on migration management and fiscal discipline, openly undermined the subjectivity of the European Union in the international arena. As the basis of its domestic and foreign policy, the Italian government starts from the priority of national sovereignty, appealing to the will of the Italian “people” and using the tools of direct democracy. The article analyzes the main results of the first year of populists in power, and also identifies the main factors that may affect the legitimacy of the current government in the future.
Victory is a military success combined with prudent motives, virtuous means and sublime goals. The contemporary war of the global sovereign may be a success, but hardly ever victory. This is an asymmetric war, which has little to do with fortitude, courage or honour. In addition, this war is progressively motivated by fear, hubris and greed and the goals of this perpetual war are not about bringing peace. We are witnessing a war, disenchanted not only in terms of means, but in terms of goals and motives, which makes it unwinnable, with ethical consequences for military leadership yet unknown.
The North Atlantic continues to be an area of international strategic and geopolitical significance, both regionally and globally. This is largely due to the growing importance of the entire North in the global economy and world politics. Since the Cold War period, there has been a significant shift in its security architecture, from geo-strategy and military security to comprehensive 'soft' security and international coo… show moreperation. Furthermore, there are strong currents of devolution and processes of sovereignty. As a result, there are new, independent states, such as Iceland, with limited capabilities and growing responsibilities, and micro-proto-states with self-governance, for example Greenland. The North Atlantic region is also characterized by Nordic small states, including the Kingdom of Denmark, middle powers like Britain and superpowers, notably Russia and the USA, with their legacies and maritime and economic interests, as well as a supranational entity, the European Union, with its growing interests and emerging policies for and in the Arctic region.
This article deals with the conception of an Imperial Authority described in the “Siete Partidas” of Castilian king Alphonse the WIse (1252 – 1284) and its interpretation by a court lawyer of the Emperor of Spain Carl I (Carl V) called Gr. Lopez. The special attention is payed to the question of sovereignty, legal status of the emperor and of citizen’s right of insurrection.
The article is devoted to the analysis of the attempt to transform the Spanish monarchy in the Federal Republic and its legal regulation in the constitutional draft of 1873. The establishment of republican form of government was due to the actual impossibility and uselessness to restore the monarchy. It was also considered to be a condition for the federalization of Spain, a contribution to the realization the principle of sovereignty. The constitutional design of the Federation was based on the historical features of states of the Iberian Peninsula and multidimensional understanding of sovereignty. The idea of vertical and horizontal separation of powers provided in the constitutional project of 1873 became the basis of the desired state organization and of the functioning of public power. A novelty of the application of principle of separation of powers is the introduction of the forth power named connecting power (besides three classic ones – legislative, executive and judicial), which belonged to the President of the Republic. It was established to perform in the system of state bodies the functions of a head of state and of a mediator. The importance of the experience of 1873 is found in the analysis of the state organization of Spain according to the Constitutions of 1931 and 1978.
The article is devoted to the discussion on fin de siècle in the context of the trajectory the modernity took in the twentieth century Russia. The author follows C. Castoriadis’ definition of modernity through double imaginary of autonomy and rational mastery as well as P. Wagner’s characterisation of modernity as experience and interpretation. He demonstrates how in Russian constellation of modernity autonomy came to be understood as a secondary to rational mastery and how collective autonomy started to dominate over individual one. For this purpose, he discusses details of N. Federov’s “Philosophy of the Common Task” as well as peculiarities of the development of Russian society of the beginning of the last century. Then M. Khomyakov turns to the contemporary fin de siècle and discusses what he sees as a major crisis of modernity in general and democracy, in particular. Thus, the article interprets fin de siècles as inherent to the modernity crises, the main elements of which are revising, reinterpretation, reformulation and renegotiation of the modernity’s fundamentals.