Революция 1917 года в постсоветских телевизионных сериалах: деконструкция значения и трансформация нарратива
There are two factors influencing on representation of revolutionary events of 1917 in the popular TV-series in the post-Soviet Russia. First, it is the negative revaluation of revolution which took place in public discussions of the 1990th when both the dominating elite, and opposition expressed equally negative relation to this event. Subsequently this position was then developed in historical policy of Vladimir Putin who, though having proclaimed the doctrine of the “total continuity” (connecting pre-revolutionary, Soviet, and democratic values), has been never hiding suspicious attitude toward the October revolution. For mass culture this meant permission to include “dark sides” of the history of revolution in popular narratives, that was impossible during the Soviet period (for example, the facts of cooperation of Bolsheviks with criminals). Secondly, the “popular cultural memory” about revolution created by means of Soviet feature films had paradoxically the contradictory character as well as
initiated a number of reinterpretations of this event in post-Soviet cinema of the 1990-2010th. Soviet films represent revolution as, first of all, a civil war made for the sake of the future, for the sake of a new society and implementation of the revolutionary ideals. “Memory of revolution” in this case was consciously constructed with emphasis on its “validating” function which was necessary for legitimization of the current political situation in the Soviet state. Such films were made generally during the 1930th – 1950th. In the period of the “Thaw” some films proposed different approaches to revolution, and many of them were not permitted to screen until the 1980th. The different film versions of revolution became available for a wide audience beginning from the middle of the 1980th, when the year 1917 was represented as a changeable, illusive and ambiguous “place of memory”. In the article the character and content of TV-representations of revolution created during the post-Soviet period in the context of wider “policy of identity” are analyzed.
The author examines the delicate relationship between such phenomena as philosophy and popular culture. After formulating three attitudes of philosophers working with popular culture (left-critical, right-critical and left-objectivistic), the author proposes the term «crossroad» to show at what point of evolution of philosophy of culture and social theory during the XXth century converged popular culture and philosophy. This «crossroad» turned out to be post-modernism in such representation in which the American Marxist philosopher Fredric Jame-son began to talk about. Postmodernism before Jameson was understood as a trend in art, and only Jameson came up with the idea to extend it to the entire culture that dissolved in during the 1970s in the economy. It was Jameson who first stated the thesis that nowadays high and popular culture represent a single space. Briefly describing Jameson's approach, the author shows what this synthesis of postmodern philosophy and popular culture has led to. Recog-nizing popular culture as legitimate, and its then state as «postmodern», social philosophers began to develop the idea of expansion of culture into the social sphere, however, not in everything agreeing with Jameson. The author emphasizes the idea that the beginning of the XXI century was marked by a surge of philosophical interest in popular culture.
Since the fall of Communism in the Soviet Union the historiography of revolutionary Russia has developed a distinct provincial turn. The opening of Soviet central and provincial archives provided new research opportunities to historians. Numerous articles and volumes focusing on Russia’s provinces have since appeared on both sides of the former Soviet border, and the historiography of the Russian revolution matured with an accelerated speed to account for multiple local variables. The understanding of multiplicity of local experiences profoundly changed and challenged the historical interpretations of the crisis that played out in Russia from 1917 to 1921. The article discusses the variety of local revolutionary experiences as they are revealed in recent historiography, but also focuses on some larger themes and issues where this regional perspective provides new insights and affects the general understanding of the Russian revolution. In particular, it discusses the factors contributing to the disintegration and reconstruction of the state, including the patterns and meaning of power in a provincial context, mechanisms of popular mobilization in the civil-war period including in Russia’s non-Russian regions, as well as transition to peace.
In the book, commented on the story of Ivan Bunin "Clean Monday"
This volume presents a series of essays from leading international scholars that expand our understanding of the Russian Revolution through the detailed study of specific localities. Answering the important question of how locality affected the revolutionary experience, these essays provide regional snapshots from across Russia that highlight important themes of the revolution. Drawing on new empirical research from local archives, the authors contribute to the larger historiographic debates on the social and political meaning of the Russian revolution as well as the nature of the Russian state. Russia’s Revolution in Regional Perspective highlights several important themes of the period that are reflected in this volume: a multitudinal state, the fluidity of party politics, the importance of violence as an historical agent, individual experiences, and the importance of economics and social forces. We reconceptualize developments in Russia between 1914 and 1922 as a kaleidoscopic process whose dynamic was not solely determined in the capitals.
In this article is made an attempt to reconstruct the attitude of the historian A.N.Savin to the situation in Russia in 1917 and after that, to analise his political views and ideas.
Russian rock music of the 1980s - 2000s by the opinion of many scholars has become a phenomenon largely formed by the religious interests of its creators. For example, the fascination of one of the classics of Russian rock Boris Grebenshikov for Buddhism, Christianity and Hinduism is well known. But scholars rarely raise the question not about religious, but about esoteric influences in the works of Russian rockers. In the paper, we plan to review key influences of the esoteric teachings on the formation of Russian rock music of the turn of the century. This overview will examine in details the works of bands Va-Bank, Nautilus Pompilius, the Orgy of the righteous, Rada and Ternovnik, Civil defense and performers Sergei Kuryokhin, Vasily Shumov, Psoy Korolenko. It is possible to highlight several key questions that are important to the review: which of the representatives of Western esotericism inspired Russian musicians; what images, teachings, theories they used in their music and songs; how conscious was their appeal to esotericism; was it a tribute to fashion, artistic technique or an expression of personal opinion. The answers to these questions will help to reveal the specific nature of the influence of Western esotericism on the Russian rock and to show its originality or maybe even its uniqueness.
The article is concerned with results of content analysis of textbooks for high school in the area of social and human sciences. The author uses the typology of values introduced by S. Schwartz which consists of two value axes — “conservation — openness to change” and “selfassertion — caring about people and nature” — and describes values that underlie each subject area and then compares these values with results of mass surveys of the values of Russians.
The paper examines the historical context underlying a series of peasants' visions that occurred in Verkhotursky district (Western Siberia) from 1687 until 1691. Most of the apparitions involved the Mother of God giving the recipients a variety of instructions. Most often she demanded that they cease cursing. As a result of the circulation of stories about these visions, governor (voevoda) Grigory Naryshkin ordered that those who cursed be fined but later cancelled this order in 1689. The paper argues against the older understanding, that these visions constituted inventions on the part of the local officials in order to fine peasants. It also reproduces examples of peasants' stories about the visions.