Abstract. The authoritarian regimes in post-Soviet states emerged and consolidated in an absence of strong traditions of civil society and the fact that the anticommunist revolution of 1991 in the Soviet Union was not pre- dated by a “revolution of values.” The democratic transit in the newly inde- pendent states failed and democratic changes were suspended, among other things, because the new ruling layers that had monopolized power and prop- erty in post-Soviet states never wanted continued market and democratic re- forms. In short, the authoritarian regimes, on the one hand, owe their stabil- ity to the power/property institution, the nomenklatura as the ruling stratum and the patronage state. On the other, authoritarianism in the post-Soviet space was kept within certain limits by power equilibrium between region- al elites and de-nomenklaturization of the political elite while an absence of political and social actors that need democratic transformations was and re- mains the highest barrier on the way toward such transformations.
The number of conflicts in the world is increasing, as well as their intensity and fierceness. We see the trend of unfolding spiral of violence in the world and thus there is a pressing need to assess the underlying reasons of it. Challenges to a secure development of the world stem from political, economic and social issues that have long been ignored or have not been effectively dealt with by both policymakers and researchers. Likewise, both academic and policy responses to the unfolding global grievances and local ferocities are still one-sided in many cases, which causes ever more fighting and insurgence. This project aims to fill in existing lacunas in the area of understanding issues underlying the current global conflict trend, many of which have long been in the shadow of research and policy-analysis internationally. This book project sheds light on complicated and long-term issues, such as revival of authoritarianism, crucial transformation of peacekeeping concept, rising security and strategic issues of small states, as well as security challenges presented by\to new international grouping such as BRICS. An intentionally diverse scope of this project allows to bring along such issues as Islamophobia and the prospects for Christian-Muslim dialogue, the scope, essence and consequences of international sanctions to manage international disputes, as well as the issue of a failed state. The geographical scope of this project ranges from North Korea to Somalia, and from Russia to Brazil. This project aims to educate all interested in the underlying fundamental long-term reasons of current political conflicts worldwide and to provoke debate on many issues that are still considered “second priority level”, though they provide even stronger basis for the current conflict-prone situation in the world. This book project aims to satisfy the need of in-depth analysis and expertise on issues of international sanctions, revival of authoritarianism, failure of state, formation of new international organizations, changing essence of peacekeeping in conflict-prone areas and globally, new contexts for Muslim-Christian dialogue and it successes and failures, as well as lesser-known contexts of strategic choices of small states.
The authors: Francesco Giumelli, Mitchell Belfer, Hanna Shelest, Piskunova Natalia, Gracian Cimek, Yefimova Anna, Bekkin Renat, Solkin Victor, Sarah Rial, Esther Sule.
The article "Russian Intelligentsia as a Historical and Social Phenomenon" is dedicated to the problems of the disappearance of the so called "intelligentsia" in the post-soviet society and the need to recreate it under new living and cultural conditions. The main purpose of the article is to make a careful and thorough analysis of the term "intelligentsia" not only from a strictly historical and social point of view, but, most important, from the standpoint of philosophy. The author arrives at a conclusion that intelligentsia should not be understood simply as a social group, but as a way of perceiving the reality and one's role on the stage of Russian society. The article is based upon a number of social studies published in professional journals over the last decade.
By the end of the 2000s, the term "resource curse" had become so widespread that it had turned into a kind of magic keyword, not only in the scholarly language of the social sciences, but also in the discourse of politicians, commentators and analysts all over the world-—like the term "modernization" in the early 1960s or "transition" in the early 1990s. In fact, the aggravation of many problems in the global economy and politics, against the background of the rally of oil prices in 2004–2008, became the environment for academic and public debates about the role of natural resources in general, and oil and gas in particular, in the development of various societies. The results of numerous studies do not give a clear answer to questions about the nature and mechanisms of the influence of the oil and gas abundance on the economic, political and social processes in various states and nations. However, the majority of scholars and observers agree that this influence in the most of countries is primarily negative. Resource Curse and Post-Soviet Eurasia: Oil, Gas, and Modernization is an in-depth analysis of the impact of oil and gas abundance on political, economic, and social developments of Russia and other post-Soviet states and nations (such as Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan). The chapters of the book systematically examine various effects of "resource curse" in different arenas such as state building, regime changes, rule of law, property rights, policy-making, interest representation, and international relations in theoretical, historical, and comparative perspectives. The authors analyze the role of oil and gas dependency in the evolution and subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union, authoritarian drift of post-Soviet countries, building of predatory state and pendulum-like swings of Russia from "state capture" of 1990s to "business capture" of 2000s, uneasy relationships between the state and special interest groups, and numerous problems of "geo-economics" of pipelines in post-Soviet Eurasia.
The author sums up the results of the sociological study of the political orientations of people's deputies of the Russian Federation, held in June 1990. These orientations were evaluated according to three criteria: the right — the left; authoritarianism—democracy; and plebiscitarian democracy—predisposition to / estrangement from. 466 deputies were polled, which is 44 per cent of the total number. The poll showed that the political mentality of a great part of MPs was still at the formative stage. The author describes the predominant political views of the MPs as "slightly right of the centre". He goes on to state the attitudes of the deputies to the key economic, social, ethical and other problems this country faces. The influence of "imperial ideology" is very insignificant. The controversial issue of the attitude to the October 1917 revolution plays the role of a splitting factor. The author singles out three sufficiently homogeneous groups in terms of their political selfindentification: the deputies who support Communists alone or Communists and some other parties — 41 per cent; deputies with an exclusively social-democratic orientation, or supporting social democrats plus some other parties except Communists — 36 per cent; deputies who support any parties except Communists or social democrats or those who still have no party orientation—23 per cent. Those belonging to the party/state nomenklatura make up the core of the "communist" group, intellectuals play the same role among the "social democrats". The author believes that political mentality of Russia's deputies will evolve towards the right, with the growing importance of the "social democrats" and the diminishing role of the "communists".
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.