Семантика и морфосинтаксис одного мокшанского аспектуального показателя
The paper deals with a Moksha Mordvin aspectual morpheme which is ambiguous between inchoative and anticausative
Aims and Scope
Earlier empirical studies on valency have looked at the phenomenon either in individual languages or a small range of languages, or have concerned themselves with only small subparts of valency (e.g. transitivity, ditransitive constructions), leaving a lacuna that the present volume aims to fill by considering a wide range of valency phenomena across 30 languages from different parts of the world. The individual-language studies, each written by a specialist or group of specialists on that language and covering both valency patterns and valency alternations, are based on a questionnaire (reproduced in the volume) and an on-line freely accessible database, thus guaranteeing comparability of cross-linguistic results. In addition, introductory chapters provide the background to the project and discuss its main characteristics and selected results, while a series of featured articles by leading scholars who helped shape the field provide an outside perspective on the volume’s approach. The volume is essential reading for anyone interested in valency and argument structure, irrespective of theoretical persuasion, and will serve as a model for future descriptive studies of valency in individual languages.
Nearly two thousand perfective verbs in Russian are formed via the addition of so-called "empty prefixes" (čistovidovye pristavki) to imperfective base verbs. The traditional assumption that prefixes are semantically "empty" when used to form aspectual pairs is problematic because the same prefixes are clearly "non-empty" when combined with other base verbs. Though some scholars have suspected that the prefixes are not empty but instead have meanings that overlap with the meanings of the base verbs, proof of this hypothesis has eluded researchers. With the advent of corpora and electronic resources it is possible to explore this question on the basis of large quantities of data. This article presents a new methodology, called "radial category profiling", in which the semantic network of a prefix is established on the basis of its "non-empty" uses and then compared, node by node, with the semantic network of base verbs that use the same prefix as an "empty" perfectivizing morpheme. This methodology facilitates a comprehensive analysis of ten prefixes, comparing their meanings in "non-empty" and "empty" uses and showing precisely how in the latter case overlap produces the illusion of emptiness. We are able to fully specify the semantic network of each prefix, and discover that for some prefixes there is overlap throughout the network, while for others overlap is restricted to a contiguous subsection of the network. We investigate the dynamic interactions among prefixes, and identify what meanings are incompatible with the "purely aspectual" function of the so-called "empty" prefixes. The results of our analyses, including complete lists of verbs, are publicly available at: http://emptyprefixes.uit.no/ and http://emptyprefixes. uit.no/methodology-eng.htm.
Cross-linguistic data suggest that the grammatical categories of tense and aspect are not generally impaired in individuals with aphasia (see Bastiaanse et al., 2011 for a review). Rather, and more specifically, verb forms expressing reference to the past or conveying perfective semantics are more impaired than verb forms expressing reference to the non-past (present or future) or conveying imperfective semantics, both in comprehension and production. The present study used some structural properties of Russian to systematically test the interaction of time reference and aspect in non-fluent and fluent aphasia.
The Test for Assessment of Reference of Time (TART; Bastiaanse, Jonkers, & Thompson, 2008; Russian version Dragoy & Bastiaanse, 2010) was used to elicit production of four verb forms in sentence context: past perfective, non-past perfective, past imperfective and non-past imperfective. The results showed that non-past time reference had a general advantage over past time reference, all aspectual forms being collapsed. However, an interaction between time reference and aspect was found: imperfective verbs were better produced in the non-past, whereas production of perfective verbs was better preserved in the past time frame. Non-fluent and fluent aphasic speakers showed largely overlapping performance.
These results demonstrated that the advantage of a particular time reference depends on aspectual characteristics of the verb. The performance of both non-fluent and fluent aphasic speakers can be explained in terms of prototypical and non-prototypical matches of time reference and aspectual semantics: perfectives primarily refer to completed, past events while imperfectives prototypically describe ongoing, non-past events.
This volume is a contribution to the typology of the category of aspect. Its aim is bringing forward new empirical data from languages not yet (widely) covered in typological aspectual investigations and to start or broaden their typological discussion. The articles in the paper are grouped in two sections. The first section is an account of aspectual systems of languages in four linguistic areas, including Europe, the Caucasus, Northeast Eurasia, and Africa and the Americas. The second section focusses on specific aspectual categories in individual languages or cross-linguistically.
The volume is dedicated to Viktor Khrakovsky's 80th anniversary. Viktor Khrakovsky is among the most prominent Russian typologists. He was among the creators of Peterburg typological school. The volume includes papers in typology, Russian lingusitics, Arabic studies and other domains of linguistics.
Our data come from the Eastern Armenian National Corpus (www.eanc.net), an open electronic resource including over 100 million word tokens and covering Eastern Armenian from the moment of its standardization (early 19th century) to the present. Naturalistic examples, however, are often lengthy and contain a lot of irrelevant data. For the sake of simplicity many examples cited below are constructed, based on one of the authors’ native knowledge. For most of these constructed examples, parallel naturalistic examples may be found in the online valency database (valpal.info) to which this volume is a sister project. When naturalistic, examples are marked as EANC, additionally indicating whether they come from translated fiction, newspaper or original fiction (the name of the author is given in the latter case). Examples are given both in the Armenian script and in the transliteration which is close to the traditional Latin transliteration of Armenian (Hübschmann-Meillet) but is slightly modified to better match IPA. The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 provides a general overview of Eastern Armenian morphosyntax. Section 3 is a discussion of transitivity issues and the two transitivity changing derivations, the mediopassive and the causative, the only marked valency alternations existing in Eastern Armenian. The question of whether Eastern Armenian is primarily a transitivizing or detransitivizing language in terms of Nichols et al. (2004) is briefly addressed. Section 4 covers unmarked alternations, including reciprocal, object omission, contentive-locative and the most unusual of all, the proprietive (ablative-genitive) alternation, showing alternative construals of the same inanimate participant as the Source or (retrospective) Possessor. Section 5 introduces the notion of extended valencies: semantic roles that represent identical participants and are marked in the same way with all verbs but that that are optional with some verbs while obligatory with other verbs. Using this notion helps to establish connections between verb classes that are different only in the degree to which the participant is integrated into the respective situation (cf. Beneficiary with ‘build (for)’ vs. ‘send (to)’ vs. ‘give to’). Finally, Section 6, building on the data on case frames (e.g. dative verbs or transitive verbs) and alternations available for specific verbs (first of all availability of marked alternations), groups them into classes of common morphosyntactic behavior to produce a valency-based classification of Eastern Armenian verbs. Section 7 is a brief summary of the paper.
This work shows that being must originally be understood as implication. We begin with what Heidegger calls Hegel’s ‘new concept of being’ in the Phenomenology of Spirit: time as history is the essence of being. This concept however, is not univocal—for supersession means destroying-preserving. Hegel shows himself to be the thinker of truth as essentially ambiguous; and the Phenomenology is onto-heno-chrono-phenomenology, the history of the being and unity, time and aspect, of the concept’s ambiguity. For Heidegger however, conceptual ambiguity confirms that Hegel’s history of being is stuck in a vulgar interpretation of time; and the Phenomenology can explain neither the origin of this time, nor the necessity of negation for the historical determination of being—for Hegel cannot think the ground of the concept of being, that is, the grounding of the ground. If Heidegger argues however, that the Phenomenology is predetermined by its ancient point of departure, we must go back to the Greeks, back to Aristotle’s original insight (overlooked by the entire history of philosophy as metaphysics): being and unity imply one another—for they are essentially implications. Thus the question of the meaning of being becomes the question of the meaning of implication.
Some properties of Russian modal constructions with reflexive verbs marked by -sja are discussed in the paper – in particular, modal passives (U menja diplom ne pišetsja – lit. ‘With me, graduataion paper is not being written’, i.e. ‘I do not make any progress with my graduation paperʼ) and modal impersonal passives. Firstly, the marking of the base subject is claimed to be only indirectly related to the transitivity of the base verb: Summaries and Keywords 782 in modern Russian, all theoretically possible combinations (u-phrase + transitive base verb, dative subject + intransitive base verb, as well as more rare u-phrase + intransitive base verb and dative subject + transitive base verb) can be observed. Secondly, in some contexts, such as questions like Chego tebe ne P ‘Why do not you P’ some restrictions on the use of impersonal modal constructions become less stringent.