[rec.] Ad populum. Parlare alla pancia: retoriche del populismo in Europa
Review of: Ad populum. Parlare alla pancia: retorica del populismo in Europa. Eds. Bruno Capaci and Giuditta Spassini. Bologna: I libri di Emil di Odoya srl., 2016.
The article discusses the status of philological, historical and philosophical argument in the theoretical justification of the ancient mythology, undertaken by Georg Friedrich Creuzer in Germany at the turn of the XIX century. The discussion arround the romantic mythology project is analyzed. A paradoxical synthesis of the political argument, theory's positive-scientific standards of verification and allegorical symbols hermeneutics of romantic symbolism and mythology project supporters and critics become the subject of special attention. There is stated a hypothesis of conditionality of described argumentative strategies by the need to versatile Neoplatonic philosophy rehabilitation as the source of the romantic theory of symbol and myth, as well as to the statement of the transcendental for the history eternal truths symbolic body.
The article focuses on the narrative as a rhetoric strategy and a crucial interdisciplinary phenomenon connecting language, mind, culture and political impact. As a case study Victory speech-2012 and Inaugural speech-2013 by Barack Obama are taken. The examples demonstrate that narrative in the political discourse of Obama goes back to the rhetoric of religious parable. Key words: narrative, parable, conceptual metaphor, rhetoric strategies, political discourse, basic values.
The article describes the genesis of the Raggione di Stato concept – one of the central notions of political thought in the early modern period and contemporary history. It considers cri-tique of the classical aesthetic model in L. Valla’s works, trans-formation of the classical ethico-rhetorical model in works of N. Machiavelli and introduction by G. Botero of the term Raggione di Stato into political literature.
When voters fear that politicians may be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, signals of integrity are valuable. As a consequence, an honest politician seeking reelection chooses "populist" policies--that is, policies to the left of the median voter--as a way of signaling that he is not beholden to the interests of the right. Politicians that are influenced by right-wing special interests respond by choosing moderate or even left-of-center policies. This populist bias of policy is greater when the value of remaining in office is higher for the politician; when there is greater polarization between the policy preferences of the median voter and right-wing special interests; when politicians are perceived as more likely to be corrupt; when there is an intermediate amount of noise in the information that voters receive; when politicians are more forward-looking; and when there is greater uncertainty about the type of the incumbent. We also show that soft term limits may exacerbate, rather than reduce, the populist bias of policies.
The chapter examines Russian Jews’ participation in Russian political parties as a consequence of their integration into Russian society, and the role of the Jews in various political parties in late XIX – early XX centuries, from social-democrats to cadets.
This book brings together academics and practitioners from a range of disciplines from more than twenty countries to reflect on the growing importance of transparency, power and control in our international community and how these concerns and ideas have been examined, used and interpreted in a range of national and international contexts. Contributors explore these issues from a range of overlapping concerns and perspectives, such as semiotic, sociolinguistic, psychological, philosophical, and visual in diverse socio-political, administrative, institutional, as well as legal contexts.
The collection examines the ways in which 'actors' in our society - legislators, politicians, activists, and artists - have provoked public discourses to confront these issues.