ВОЙНА И СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ ПОРЯДОК: ULTIMA RATIO ИЛИ CONDITIO HUMANA? (Гоббс – Клаузевиц – Шмитт – Фуко)
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
The paper is a historical and theoretical reconstruction of attempts made in classical European sociology to grasp the most significant traits of Modernity. The author concludes with a draft of political anthropology that might be common to classics. This would be a combination of clear self-awareness, rationality, affectivity, willingness to trust political leaders and to prefer war, not peace.
In this article, we attempted to consider Kant’s transcendental philosophy as a special type of phi-losophizing and foundation of new transcendental paradigm, which differs both from the ‘object’ metaphysics of Antiquity and ‘subject’ metaphysics of Modern Age (metaphysics of objects (transcendent metaphysics; meta–physics) — metaphysics of the experience (transcendental met-aphysics) — metaphysics of the subject (immanent metaphysics, meta–psychology). For this pur-pose, we introduce such methodological terms as transcendental ‘shift’ (see: [CPR, B25]), tran-scendental perspective, transcendental ‘gesture’ and transcendental constructivism/pragmatism (see: ‘action of pure thought’ [CPR, B81]). The basis for such representation of transcendentalism is cognitive and semantic reading of the Critics (R. Hanna) in view of the question from Kant`s letter to M. Herz (21/02/1772; see: ‘What is the ground of the relation of that in us which we call “representation” to the object?’) and modern interpretation of Kant: theory of ‘two aspects’ (H.Allison). While in classical metaphysics, cognition is interpreted as a relation between empirical subject and object, in tran-scendental metaphysics, ‘possible experience/knowledge (Erfahrung)’ shall be understood as a re-lation between transcendental subject (transcendental unity of apperception) and transcendental object. Upon that, Kant’s transcendentalism, as contrasted to classical contemplative metaphysics, acts as an ‘experimental’ metaphysics, and the ‘transcendental’ is defined as a boundary ontologi-cal area between the immanent and the transcendent in capacity of the instrumental (‘kraft’) com-ponent of our consciousness/cognition (see ‘intentional reality’ of E. Husserl and/or theory of ‘three worlds’ of K. Popper). However, Kant considers the subject and the object uncritically, in the sub-stance modus and their transcendental rethinking in existential (Dasein/Existentia; Heidegger) and event-ness (Sachverhalt; Wittgenstein) mode will allow taking a substantial step towards develop-ment of transcendental paradigm of philosophy.
The preface to the translation of "Politics" by C. Schmitt. Schmitt in 1933-36 aspired (though rather unsuccessfully) to become an ideological guru of the Nazi regime, that was only in the process of formation then. It allows to formulate the question about the guilt of the thinker, but doesn't prevent to find the theoretical contents in his works of this period. Criticism of parliamentary democracy and understanding the political as an opposition of enemies lead Schmitt to the concept of a tripartite political unity of people, state and movement. He sees the Nazi regime as a new kind of politics based not on struggle, but on mobilization of the people conducted by the Führer. This design turned out to be not only politically vicious, but also theoretically defective, however its studying is an instructive experience.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.