Консерватизм в России: политтехнологический симулякр или исторический выбор?
President Vladimir Putin’s third term of office proceeds under the “conservative shift.” Does this mean that the Russian government has finally opted for conservatism as its official—though not state—ideology, with long-term consequences for both its domestic policy and foreign policies? Or is the reversion to conservatism merely the latest in a line of political devices used by the Kremlin to solve its own problems—which include the struggle against liberal opposition and the need to increase the regime’s legitimacy? Both points of view are represented in the writings of Russian and foreign experts. This article attempts to take into account the arguments of both sides while at the same time suggesting that the “shift back to conservatism” is something more than the latest in a line of political devices by the Kremlin. And whether or not the Russian government solves a few of its immediate problems with its help, the turn to conservatism itself provides new potential opportunities for the alignment of a long-term strategy. As far as domestic policy is concerned, conservatism as a meta-narrative may appear to be a continuation of the earlier “sovereign democracy” discourse while at the same time offering an ideology to cement Russian federalism. In foreign policy, a conservative Russia may appear a more desirable partner not only for the European right but also for the countries of the Asia-Pacific region. This is significant given the recent “pivot to Asia” clearly signaled in Russian foreign policy.
An attempt of research of a ratio of the theory and practice in François Guizot scientific and public work is undertaken in this article. Guizot is the central figure of the French liberalism of the first half of the XIX century. The theory and practice of this thinker synthesized liberalism and conservatism.
The general aim of this thesis is to explore the gendered and classed nature of social work and social welfare in Russia to show how social policy can be a part of and reinforce marginalisation. The overall research question is in what ways class and gender are constructed in Russian social work practice and welfare rhetoric through Soviet legacies and contemporary challenges? In addition, which actors contribute to the constitution of social work values and how this value system affects the agency of the clients? This study focuses on contradictory ideologies that are shaped in discursive formations of social policy, social work training and practice. It is a qualitative study, containing fi ve papers looking at this issue from three different perspectives: policy and institutions, culture and discourse, actors and identity. The data collection was arranged as a purposive–iterative process. The empirical material consists of qualitative interviews with social work practitioners, administrators and clients, participant observations in social services and analysis of documents of various kinds.
Based on the works by M. N. Katkov, L. A. Tikhomirov, P. E. Kazansky, the representatives of the conservative political and legal thought in Russia at the turn of the XX century, the article provides a comprehensive overview of their ideas on personal freedom and the role of the state in its realization, balance between rights and duties regarded as elements of legal status of a person. The article challenges a common stereotype about conservative thinkers ignoring the concept of personal freedom. On the contrary, the author argues that the problem of personal freedom was regarded in relation with adjustment of the principles of the absolute supremacy with the tendencies of modernization. The liberal ideas on incompatibility of personal freedom with the state were opposed by the conservative thesis on non-antagonism of personal freedom to monarchy which is regarded as a safeguard of modernization. Still the conservative ideas on universal freedom leading to personal oppression proved to be fatidic.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
Ideology of the Communist Party, presented in the election campaign 2007 is revealed. With the help of lingo-cognitive analysis the cognitive model of the ideology of the Party is described.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.