В поисках оптимальной государственности:проект конституции I испанской республики (1873 г.)
The article is devoted to the analysis of the attempt to transform the Spanish monarchy in the Federal Republic and its legal regulation in the constitutional draft of 1873. The establishment of republican form of government was due to the actual impossibility and uselessness to restore the monarchy. It was also considered to be a condition for the federalization of Spain, a contribution to the realization the principle of sovereignty. The constitutional design of the Federation was based on the historical features of states of the Iberian Peninsula and multidimensional understanding of sovereignty. The idea of vertical and horizontal separation of powers provided in the constitutional project of 1873 became the basis of the desired state organization and of the functioning of public power. A novelty of the application of principle of separation of powers is the introduction of the forth power named connecting power (besides three classic ones – legislative, executive and judicial), which belonged to the President of the Republic. It was established to perform in the system of state bodies the functions of a head of state and of a mediator. The importance of the experience of 1873 is found in the analysis of the state organization of Spain according to the Constitutions of 1931 and 1978.
The book consists of chapters (articles) devoted the South-European constitutionalism of 1812, when two constitutions were adopted (in Spain and Sicily). Napoleon at that time not only won a few countries, but founded new states, gifted constitutions to some new and old states. Adoptions of constitutions in Cadiz and in Palermo in 1812, were events of extraordinary importance. They demonstrated a protest against Napoleonic wars and defense the right of nations to decide their future and way of development.
The article is devoted to the influence of the Spanish Constitution of 1812 to the constitutionalism of the Russian Empire in the first quarter of the XIX. The author demonstrates the attention of different circles of Russian society to the national liberation movement of the Spanish people against France in 1808-1814 and to the Revolution of 1820-1823 in Spain as well as the Spanish events coverage in the Russian press. Effect of inspiring of the Fundamental law of 1812, enacted in Spain also in 1820 is noticed to be an example for the Russians to pursue for their Motherland. Particular attention is given to the constitutional ideas of members of secret societies, the future of the Decembrists, the motion of which is studied in the context of the "military revolution" in Europe. The researcher analyzes the influence of the Spanish constitution of 1812 on P.Pestel, author of "Russkaya Pravda" (project of the Southern secret society) and N. Muraviev who prepared the constitutional project, which we can study in three editions.
The article deals with the influence of Spanish Constitution in 1812 to constitutional ideas and projects of the Decembrists. It is represented in the historical context of the interest to foreign constitutional experience of Russian society in the first quarter of the XIX century. The author analyzes the impact of the Constitution of 1812 to the ‘Russkaya Pravda” (Russian Truth) written by P.Pestel, one of the leaders of the Southern secret society, which is detected in borrowing some ideas for the design of the constitutional and legal institutions. Particular attention is given to the constitutional draft of N.Muraviov, a member of the Northern secret society. All three editions of his projects were influenced by the Constitution of 1812. It is noticed in following: first, in the literal reproduction of the two articles of the Spanish law in the first and second editions, and secondly, the Spanish experience was borrowed in all three editions of the project to formalize various constitutional institutions (the status of the emperor, the right to vote and others).
In response to the grim realities of the present world Jewish thought has tended to retreat into eschatological fantasy, but rather to project utopian visions precisely on to the present moment, envisioning redemptions that are concretere, immanent, and necessarily political in nature. In difficult times and through shifting historical contexts, the messianic hope in the Jewish tradition has functioned as a political vision: the dream of a peaceful kingdom, of a country to return to, or of a leader who will administer justice among the nations. Against this background, it is unsurprising that Jewish messianism in modern times has been transposed, and lives on in secular political movements and ideologies. The purpose of this book in to contribute to the deeper understanding of the relationship between Jewish thought, utopia, and revolution, by taking a fresh look at its historical and religious roots. We approach the issue from several perspectives, with differences of opinion presented both in regard to wath Jewish tradition is, and how to regard utopia and revolution. These notions are multi faceted, comprising aspects such as political messianism, religious renewal, Zionism, and different forms of Marxist and Anarchistic movements.
In this article the author attempts to explain the events occurring in the country taking into account the specificity of the Ukrainian political culture. From the point of view of the author, a key player in the Ukrainian revolution in 2014 was the Ukrainian society itself, and any attempt to comment the situation of modern Ukraine, first of all, should take into account civil conditions of the society itself. Qualitative state of civil society in Ukraine outrun the quality of the ruling elite, which inevitably provokes new confrontations and conflicts.
In his article Vladimir Kantor explores the destiny of Russia intelligentsia within the context of cultural crisis that took place at the turn of XIX and XX centuries, analyzing the Vekhovs, a group of leading intellectuals who ran a collection of essays, titled "Vekhi", studying their relationship towards that Russian cultural phenomenon. To author, the intelligentsia is considered as a critical factor in the development of Russian history. Within a context of the struggle around the "Vekhi", by referring to famous philosophical and literature books, published in 1909, the author focuses on relationships between intelligentsia and ordinary people, their attractive and repulsive interaction, which represents the key theme of the Russian destiny. Any historical movement occurs through tragedy; heroes who move the history have to sacrifice themselves to provide that movement. Confirmation to that idea would be rejection and exclusion of the Russian intelligentsia from the country's mentality throughout a number of generations which ultimately led to its tragic being.