Ранний Х. Доносо Кортес (1820-1848 гг.): становление традиционалиста
The article deals with apocalyptic motifs in the ideas, attitudes and values of two outstanding Spanish Catholic philosophers - Jaime Luciano Balmes (1810-1848) and Juan Donoso Cortes (1809-1853). Standing in the 1830-1840s. to protect the Ancient regime Balmes and Donoso were in the political camp defeated in the struggle with the liberal bourgeoisie, engaged in creating a New order. As a result, today they are on the periphery of social and political thought. However, their philosophical and political diagnoses remain a part of relevance to this day. Correlating Balmes and Donoso from the views of their main opponents - the French Enlightenment of the XVIII century and the British and French positivists of the XIX century, - we will be able to put the problem of the "end of history" in the universal - the general historical - context.
Since 2008 the neoliberal mainstream, which seemed to be steadfast, has been suffering both economic and political crisis. This makes people seek an alternative of right or left kind. In such circumstances, alternative political forces attempt to satisfy civil society’s needs suggesting new ideas that challenge the neoliberalism. Therefore, both leftist and rightist revolts have been a search for new growth drivers and new balance within societies that takes all the classes and their interests into consideration.
This process is closely tied to several major shifts. The privatization of state’s functions has been doubted and put the return of public capital on the agenda. The voice of people demanding a more equal access to public goods, for example, education gets louder.
There are new politicians able to get this message and obtain a broad popular support. They are, for instance, Jeremy Corbyn in the UK and Jean-Luc Melenchon in France. However, what is behind the leftist revolt? Does it have any chance to succeed?
The events of 2016–2017 sharply changed the political balance in the West and across the world. The Brexit success, sensational victory of Donald Trump, the atmosphere of ‘the last battle’ ‘on the brink of a precipice’ during the presidential elections in France, a dramatic turn to right wing nationalism in Poland, Hungary and some other countries of Central Europe – the whole of it brought the rightist revolt against the neoliberal mainstream (and response to it) into the global focus.
‘We are transferring power from Washington, D.C. and giving it back to you, the American People’ — the Trump’s sharp rebuff of traditional mainstream rhetoric and turn to white-wing nationalism brought the new term of ‘Trumpism’ into being. Nevertheless, the Trump’s rise to power was the result of a broader demand for transformation of the American political system.
The Trumpism is deeply rooted in the American political history and has a certain value system in its core. It amalgamates leftist and rightist elements, forming the bloc of interests, although contradictory. The Trumpism is a new approach to the settlement of old issues, especially economic ones. Trump’s policy is based on the interests of middle capital and aimed at weakening big capital in favour of the middle capital. Thus, this makes the value of protecting the domestic market or sound protectionism a matter of key importance.
What is the future of the Trumpism? Will Europe follow the example of the US? What should be Russia’s attitude towards the ‘rightist revolt’?
Sovereignty is one of the most important problems in political philosophy because it makes us search for the answer to the most important questions of politics, ‘Who has the highest level of state authority?’. Do the people, representatives, monarch or God have sovereignty? Development of this topic is one of the most popular and fruitful directions in the political philosophy of the XIXth century. Studying sovereignty, Francois Guizot tried to fi nd answers to particular questions such as about the reasons of the decaying of revolution and death of the Napoleon empire, the fate and fortunes of the House of Bourbon and the vitality of the Charter of 1814. The analysis of the development of ideas and term has allowed to reconstruct Guizot’s concept of sovereignty and shows its relation to the intellectual and political environment of the Conservation epoch (1814–1830). By addressing to this topic, the author of the article has managed to restore a very important part of the political theory proposed by Guizot and to cast light on the philosophical sources of the French liberalism as well as to demonstrate the relation between this ideology and democracy. This has also allowed to understand the status of the problem of sovereignty in political practice.
The article deals with the restoration of Spanish-Russian diplomatic relation after declaring by Russia in 1836 the ascension of Isabel II unlawful and severing diplomatic relations until 1856. The author studies the crucial questions of these relations in the second half of the 19th century, taking into account the missions of such Russian and Spanish diplomats, as Mikjail Golytsin, Mariano Osuna and Mikhail Gortchakov.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.
This article is talking about state management and cultural policy, their nature and content in term of the new tendency - development of postindustrial society. It mentioned here, that at the moment cultural policy is the base of regional political activity and that regions can get strong competitive advantage if they are able to implement cultural policy successfully. All these trends can produce elements of new economic development.