Индивидуальная рациональность и коллективные нормы (К проблеме легитимации моральных и политических теорий)
The paper investigates the problem of practical justification of legitimacy of normative concepts. Having discussed three main approaches to solving this problem, B.Sokolov concludes that the most effective one is an approach that appeals to the idea of the treaty among rational individuals about the rules of social coexistence because it aims at achieving congruence of individual interests and of tenets of normative theory, and requires neither use of violence nor introduction of transcendental and unverifiable entities to support claims for normative importance. The main advantage of contract theories is that they provide the minimal possible justification for moral systems and elaborate arguments for why a person who doubts a necessity to follow moral norms (or state laws) could agree with the requirements of this or the other ethical concept
is paper is concerned with Heidegger’s esoteric notion of philosophy developed during his Rektorat-period (1933–1934) in accordance with the Platonic model of community described in the Politeia. e principal hypothesis is that Heidegger’s notion of philosophy as the knowledge of the truth and as a specific educational program was conceived as an exclusive and elitist one; it allows Heidegger to distance himself from the public sphere and criticize any form of public discourse as resulting from the improper mode of being. In this paper the first part of the lecture "Vom Wesen der Wahrheit" (1933–34) is discussed where Heidegger interprets Plato’s allegory of the cave and presents the “German revolution” as a unique event which provides an opportunity to integrate decisively politics with philosophy. e paper also explores Hannah Arendt’s arguments against the esoteric notion of philosophy and politics in her essay "Philosophy and politics" (1990).
In the Social Science, as different from the history of ideas, the steady preconception of viewing Hobbes as the philosopher who considered human to be a rational and selfish being exists. Such human beings in their natural condition set the war of all against all, but only the strong power can preserve them in the condition of peace. However true Hobbesian views as to the human relationships have almost nothing in common with these trivial suggestion. The article deals with some aspects of Hobbesian anthropology and his doctrine of the virtue. It is argued that the social order is represented by Hobbes as very agile and complex in its structure. At the first glance his philosophy could seem very legible and solely constructivist, designed as the triumph of coherence and implacable logic. At depth - it is not even contradictory, but the terrain of the questions without any answers.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
We address the external effects on public sector efficiency measures acquired using Data Envelopment Analysis. We use the health care system in Russian regions in 2011 to evaluate modern approaches to accounting for external effects. We propose a promising method of correcting DEA efficiency measures. Despite the multiple advantages DEA offers, the usage of this approach carries with it a number of methodological difficulties. Accounting for multiple factors of efficiency calls for more complex methods, among which the most promising are DMU clustering and calculating local production possibility frontiers. Using regression models for estimate correction requires further study due to possible systematic errors during estimation. A mixture of data correction and DMU clustering together with multi-stage DEA seems most promising at the moment. Analyzing several stages of transforming society’s resources into social welfare will allow for picking out the weak points in a state agency’s work.