New media and the political protest: the formation of a public counter-sphere in Russia of 2008–12
The capter is dedicated to the description of the fragmentation of the Russian media-based public sphere, in particular - to the dymanics of media use of the participants of the 'For fair elections' political protest movement in Russia of 2011-2012. Authors counclude that: 1) socio-economic divisions in today's Russia are mirrored in the media use patterns; 2) traditional textocentricism of Russian intelligentsia shows up and shapes media preferences and opinion leading: 3) changes in political behavior online (weakly) correlates with differences in online media use patterns; 4) a nation-wide public counter-sphere has formed in the Russian big cities. A prediction is made that fragmentation of the Russian public sphere will be deepening.
В статье описывается техника проведения ситуационного анализа, говорится о специфике анализа избирательных кампаний, рассматривается ход президентской избирательной кампании 1995 года: динамика настроений избирателей, роль СМИ и пр.
The inspiration for this book came from two sets of discussions in 1997 and 1998. One set was with housing finance consultants and policy advisers working in the central European states of Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic and in the Russian Federation. The other set of discussions was with officials and knowledgeable observers in the countries in southeastern Europe and nations other than Russia in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). These conversations illuminated a disturbing pattern. First, the types of homeownership policies and related housing finance policies the bellwether reform states of central Europe were pursuing appeared to have serious limitations. Second, the countries of southeastern Europe and the CIS outside of Russia generally seemed to be strongly influenced by what their colleagues to the north and west were doing. Because these nations had yet to tackle restructuring homeownership policies beyond implementing mass housing privatization schemes, this influence could be decisive. This book is the result of a careful analysis of the actual situation in the more “policy-advanced” transition countries of the former Soviet bloc. The book confirms that my initial foreboding was justified. By and large, the policies adopted, while a definite improvement over those inherited from pre-transition governments, are nevertheless conspicuously inefficient and wasteful. One hopes that the other countries in the region that will soon address new homeownership and housing finance policies will learn from the mistakes of their neighbors. Among the many persons who contributed thoughtful analysis and insights about developments in central Europe, I particularly want to thank Douglas Diamond, Achim Duebel, Jozsef Hegedus, Michael Lea, and Katie Mark. I thank Harold Katsura for a careful reading of the entire manuscript. Eric Zaretsky provided competent research assistance. EEI Communications did an excellent job editing the manuscript. Finally, but certainly not least, I gratefully acknowledge the support of the Urban Institute in writing this book.
The book reveals the interconnection between social, cultural and political protest movements and social and economic changes in a post-communist country like Russia still dominated by bureaucratic rulers and "oligarchs" controlling all basic industries and mining activities. Those interests are also dominating Russia’s foreign policy and explain why Russia did not succeed in becoming an integral part of Europe. The latter is, at least, wished by many Russian citizens.
New political, social and cultural reality in the first five years since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Pro-Putin rallies before the 2012 presidential elections became campaign venues in which the Kremlin used political symbols—woven into a narrative of nationalism and tradition—to define and activate core voters across the Russian Federation.
В исследовании на данных специального исследования "Инновации" в рамках RLMS в 2009 году построены типологии населения России по склонности к инновациям, навыкам владения компьютером и характеру медиапотребления, которое здесь измерено как направления использования интернета и функций мобильного телефона. Было показано, что существует не только цифровое неравенство в отношении доступа к компьютеру и интернету (количественное), но и качественное неравенство, связанное с типом медиапотребления. Это неравенство связано с такими факторами, как возраст, уровень образования и доходов.