From 18 to 21 November 2015, in the Vatican, the Congregation for Catholic Education celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the Second Vatican Council’s Declaration Gravissimum Educationis and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Apostolic Constitution Ex Corde Ecclesiae. As part of these celebrations, the Congregation aimed to re-energise the Catholic Church’s commitment to education by means of a World Congress entitled ‘Educating Today and Tomorrow: A Renewing Passion’. The main aim of the Congress was to re-energise the role of Catholic schools and universities that act in the name of the Universal Church. The Congress urged more than 5,000 participants to step up efforts to promote dialogue in times of spiritual poverty, self-referential exclusiveness, harmful spread of ideological viewpoints, and the lowering of the general level of culture.
In line with the aims of the Congress, and under its hospitable auspices, the European Association for Education Law and Policy (ELA) held a special conference. The ELA sessions within the larger Congress focussed mainly on the re-consideration of the role that religion plays in education in general. The main concern of this legal panel, therefore, was the way religious studies, the rights of believers, and non-believers are accommodated in both secular and confessional schools and universities around the world. Thus, the ELA sessions encompassed the transformation and renewal of religion in education in general (not only Catholic education), across various sectors of society.
This issue is a compilation of papers presented at ELA sessions in the Vatican. The papers presented at the ELA sessions were submitted to double blind peer review processes and only the best accepted and selected. The editors are already in possession of a full draft of the manuscript. This draft has been extensively edited for language and coherency already. The contributions composing this issue provide an all-encompassing analysis of the position of religion in education across the globe and how religious distinctiveness in education can be promoted. This volume deals, first, with overarching concepts of accommodating religious distinctiveness at schools and understanding the place of religion in compulsory instruction. Second, it provides important case studies explaining in much detail the various approaches to reconciliation of law and state, religion and education, secularism and diversity that exist in the world.
Although there are books about education and religion on the market, this volume focuses specifically on renewing a passion for protecting religious distinctiveness in increasingly secular societies. Emphasis is placed on how to achieve equality and religious freedom in democratic societies, while focusing on protecting the human dignity of religious adherents (parents and learners/children) through the protection of their religious distinctiveness. The manuscript also compiles the work of several academic experts in law and education and several expert practitioners in law and education (deans, ministers of education etc). The wide spectrum of countries discussed (USA, Europe, Australia, South Africa, South America) provide a holistic picture of religious distinctiveness across the globe. Practical suggestions towards maintaining religious distinctiveness are also provided. What is even more unique is the fact that the manuscript presents various and competing perspectives on religious distinctiveness.
Back in 2008 when the conflict between Russia and Georgia broke out, International Centre on Conflict and Negotiation initiated the most long-standing of dialogue efforts between Russian and Georgian high-profile political experts, named later, as per the site of the meetings, the Istanbul Process. GPPAC, as a global network of civil society organisations, working across conflicts on an international level, and perceived as being able to play an impartial role in facilitating the dialogue processes, supported and partnered this important initiative, offering a framework that provided the needed, politically neutral, environment for the Russian and Georgian sides to engage with each other.
Ce numéro est consacré à l’Otan dont la France est un pays membre fondateur de l’Alliance atlantique comme de l’Union européenne et un pays partenaire historique de la Russie. Ce thème est d’une grande actualité pour ces deux pays aux extrémités des espaces de l’Atlantique à l’Oural, cher au général de Gaulle et attaches à la sécurité et a la stabilité de l’Europe continentale. Dans ce numéro, on trouvera un article du rédacteur en chef de l’édition française, Jean Dufourcq, qui aborde la question de la place de l’Alliance atlantique. La question de la sécurité de l’Europe est également posée : comment penser la sécurité et la défense d’un espace européen composite ? Les relations de l’Otan avec la Russie restent marquées par une méfiance réciproque malgré le redémarrage voulu par le Président américain, il y a deux ans ; comment vont se développer ces relations ? Vous trouverez des pistes pour répondre à cette question avec une analyse de Jean-Christophe Romer. La nécessité d’une réflexion sur une défense européenne est abordée par Arnaud Danjean. La mise en place du bouclier antimissiles, et ses conséquences, est une question analysée par l’article de Vivien Pertusot. La place de la dissuasion nucléaire dans l’Otan et le nucléaire, un autre sujet important pour un pays qui possède la bombe, est explorée dans un texte signé d’Emmanuel Nal. Un espace géographique comme celui de l’Asie centrale, important pour la Russie, avec un possible redéploiement de l’Otan après l’Afghanistan : c’est le texte de René Cagnat qui ouvre des pistes de réflexions. Comment doit-on penser la sécurité et la défense d’un espace qui va bien plus loin que les frontières de l’Union européenne ? Quel espace devons-nous protéger, contre qui et avec quels alliés ? Dans ce monde multicentrique, cette question doit appeler une réponse. Vous trouverez des pistes de réflexions sous la plume de l’ancien ministre Jean-Pierre Chevènement sur ces sujets. À noter aussi une analyse sur le cheminement stratégique de la Pologne en vue d’assurer sa sécurité avec l’Otan et l’UE faite par Roland Delawarde. Trois auteurs russes leur donnent la réplique avec leurs préoccupations spécifiques.
Providing a comprehensive overview of Russia’s foreign policy directions, this handbook brings together an international team of scholars to develop a complex treatment of Russia’s foreign policy. The chapters draw from numerous theoretical traditions by incorporating ideas of domestic institutions, considerations of national security and international recognition as sources of the nation’s foreign policy. Covering critically important subjects such as Russia’s military interventions in Ukraine and Syria, the handbook is divided into four key parts:
Part I explores the social and material conditions in which Russia’s foreign policy is formed and implemented.
Part II investigates tools and actors that participate in policy making including diplomacy, military, media, and others.
Part III provides an overview of Russia’s directions towards the United States, Europe, Asia, the Middle East, Eurasia, and the Artic.
Part IV addresses the issue of Russia’s participation in global governance and multiple international organizations, as well as the Kremlin’s efforts to build new organizations and formats that suit Russia’s objectives.
The Routledge Handbook of Russian Foreign Policy is an invaluable resource to students and scholars of Russian Politics and International Relations, as well as World Politics more generally.
The first yearbook, published by the Observatoire franco-russe, aims to provide the most complete analysis possible of the situation in Russia. Bringing together the contributions of some 50 recognized experts, it is organized around four themes: the economy, internal politics and society, regions and foreign and defense policy. The fifth part, entitled “Franco-Russian Miscellany”, illustrates the history, diversity and exceptional richness of relations between our two countries. Considering discrepancies between perceptions of Russia in Europe and the evolutions that have occurred in the country since the end of the UDDR, the Observatoire wishes to provide dispassionate, in-depth, operational and accessible expertise. In other words, to restore a measure of nuance and complexity to a subject too often caricatured either intentionally or by ignorance.
In early 2010 Russia once again entered a turbulent period. From the system of property distribution, to structure of the political elites and relations between the Center and the regions - various spheres of Russian life are in a state of flux. Two major factors are driving this change: oil prices which are unlikely to grow the way they did in the 2000s and the rapidly deteriorating efficiency of governance. Relations between federal and regional elites, as well as public activism, are derived from these two factors and play an important role of their own. Will change take an evolutionary path or is Russia facing another revolution? The book offers a view of the Russian future until 2025 based on thematic scenarios created by an international team of Russia scholars whose expertise range from politics and economics to demographics and foreign policy.
Russia after the Global Economic Crisis examines this important country after the financial crisis of 2007–09. The second book from The Russia Balance Sheet Project, a collaboration of two of the world's preeminent research institutions, the Peterson Institute for International Economics and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), not only assesses Russia's international and domestic policy challenges but also provides an all-encompassing review of this important country's foreign and domestic issues. The authors consider foreign policy, Russia and it neighbors, climate change, Russia's role in the world, domestic politics, and corruption.
It is not so easy to take the long view of socioeconomic history when you are participating in a revolution. For that reason, Russian economist Yegor Gaidar put aside an early version of this work to take up a series of government positions--as Minister of Finance and as Boris Yeltsin's acting Prime Minister--in the early 1990s. In government, Gaidar shepherded Russia through its transition to a market economy after years of socialism. Once out of government, Gaidar turned again to his consideration of Russia's economic history and long-term economic and political challenges. This book, revised and updated shortly before his death in 2009, is the result. Its transition complete, Russia is once again becoming part of the modern world. Gaidar's account of long-term socioeconomic trends puts his country in historical context and outlines problems faced by Russia (and other developing economies) that more developed countries have already encountered: aging populations, migration, evolution of the system of social protection, changes in the armed forces, and balancing stability and flexibility in democratic institutions.
Topics of discussion in this astonishingly erudite work range from the phenomenon of modern economic growth to agrarian societies to Russia's development trajectory. The book features an epilogue written by Gaidar for this English-language edition. This is not a memoir, but, Gaidar points out, neither is it "written from the position of a man who spent his entire life in a research institute." Gaidar's "long view" is inevitably informed and enriched by his experience in government at a watershed moment in history.
Why has there been a human rights backlash in Russia despite the country having been part of the European human rights protection system since the late 1990s? To what extent does Russia implement judgments of the Strasbourg Court, and to what extent does it resist the implementation? This fascinating study investigates Russia's turbulent relationship with the European Court of Human Rights and examines whether the Strasbourg court has indeed had the effect of increasing the protection of human rights in Russia. Researchers and scholars of law and political science with a particular interest in human rights and Russia will benefit from this in-depth exploration of the background of this subject.
This report analyzes the development trends and conditions of the Russian economy, specifically its energy sector. It also reviews the projections of carbon emissions by 2020 and beyond in the context of the Russian government's scenarios of economic development. The second section of the report focuses on Russia's position in the negotiation process on a post-2012 climate regime, including the emission limitation pledge, carry-over of the surplus of assigned amount units (AAU) beyond 2012 and the forest carbon sinks. The report is written by Dr George Safonov, State University - Higher School of Economics/ Russian Environmental Defense Fund and Dr Oleg Lugovoy, Russian Environmental Defense Fund and Dr Anna Korppoo, the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. The Nordic Ministers of Environments established the Nordic COP 15 Group early in 2008. In January 2010 the group was renamed to the Nordic ad hoc Group on Global Climate Negotiations. The main tasks of the group are to prepare reports and studies, conduct relevant meetings and organize conferences supporting the Nordic negotiators in the UN climate negotiations. The overall aim of the group is to contribute to a global and comprehensive agreement on climate change with ambitious emission reduction commitments.
In contrast to the internationally wide-spread stereotype of Russia as a revisionist power in the High North, this book argues that Moscow tries to pursue a double-sided strategy in the region. On the one hand, Russia aims at defending her legitimate economic interests in the region. On the other hand, Moscow is open to co-operation with foreign partners that are willing to partake in exploiting the Arctic natural resources. The general conclusion is that in the foreseeable future Moscow’s strategy in the region will be predictable and pragmatic rather than aggressive or spontaneous. The authors argue that in order to consolidate the soft power pattern of Russia’s behavior a proper international environment in the Arctic should be created by common efforts. Other regional players should demonstrate their responsibility and willingness to solve existing and potential problems on the basis of international law.
Работа посвящена изучению установок российских политических элит по различным вопросам внутренней и внешней политики и их динамики в течение последних 20 лет. В частности, в докладе рассматриваются такие темы, как россиско-американские отношения и их восприятие элитными кругами; круг основных угроз государственной безопасности и наиболее важных задач, стоящих перед страной; ценностные убеждения и идеологические установки российских элит. Авторы рассматривают изменения в установках элит в контексте общей трансформации российского общества в течение постсоветского периода
The report reviews strategic context for the Russian policy in Central Asia.
This collection is a special issue of Russian Sociological Review dedicated to the concept of border. The concept itself seems to draw attention in many disciplines. As spatial phenomena, borders are always drawn in spaces, while social scientists, philosophers and other academics often have different meanings of space. Recent reconsiderations of space in terms of networks, flows and events, bring even more complexity to the concept. The current volume contributes to both theoretical and empirical studies of borders on various levels. Contributions look at the relevant phenomena from contemporary or historical perspectives, study narratives about borders, reconstructions of the empirical configurations of borders and other objects (such as bodies), exploring how borders emerge and reshape existing spaces, etc. Overall, the issue contributes to the emerging interdisciplinary field of border studies and encourages cross-disciplinary dialogue.
Социология возникла как наука о возможности порядка и об условиях солидарности. Социологов часто критиковали за то, что конфликты, революции и войны им не интересны. Эти обвинения никогда не были вполне справедливыми. Конфликты, а позже и революции всегда занимали социологов, хотя и не всех социологов. Но интерес именно к войнам присущ социологам в наименьшей мере. Положение дел стало меняться в последние десятилетия, но социология войны до сих занимает скромное положение среди прочих социологических дисциплин. Именно поэтому социологи все еще не обращают внимания на то, что противопоставление мира и войны само становится проблемой.