This paper examines commonalities and differences in the value theories proposed by Ronald Inglehart and Shalom Schwartz. A systematic review of previous findings was conducted. Then, we showed, with a joint multidimensional scaling (MDS) analysis, that Schwartz’s Autonomy vs. Embeddedness dimension tends to lie at the diagonal of the Inglehart Cultural Map of the World, suggesting that in order to be autonomous/open, individuals need to have both self-expressive and secular-rational values, whereas being embedded /conservative involves both traditional and survival values. Two distinct regions of Schwartz’s values (one at each level) which are missed by Inglehart’s instrument were identified. At the same time, an MDS plot revealed that, at the individual level, Inglehart’s Survival values are not captured by the Schwartz’s items included. The obtained structures at the two levels of analysis were shown to be remarkably similar (Tucker’s Phi > .90).
In this paper we re-analyze Claessen's dataset on the "Early States". Our factor analysis shows that Claessen’s Early State typology is more or less justified, though we suggest some corrections and amendments to his typologization and his model of Early State evolution. For example, we show that the development of personal ownership of land correlates rather weakly with the political development of the Early State, and that political development might just as easily be accompanied by the strengthening of communal ownership. We also examine the correlation between Early State political development and ruler sacralization. Though this correlation is insignificant for the whole sample (Rho = +0.01; p = 0.48 [1-tailed]), its insignificance is accounted for by two distinct evolutionary patterns. The first is observed among the cultures of the “Axial Age” zone (the belt of the high civilizations of Eurasia and North Africa) and is characterized by a strong negative correlation between political development and ruler sacralization (Rho = – 0.57). The second is observed throughout the rest of the world and is characterized by a strong positive correlation between the two variables (Rho = + 0.55). We discuss possible causes of this impressive difference.
Among the negative predictors of sexual freedom, cultural complexity has been always mentioned as most important. However, regression analysis revealed the existence of a reverse trend within the interval between 11 and 22 points of Murdock's cumulative scale of cultural complexity. This suggests that it is senseless to try to find a general set of regularities regarding the correlation between cultural complexity and sexual freedom. One would expect to find different sets of regularities for simple, medium-complexity, complex and supercomplex cultures. In this paper we begin with a summary analysis of research conducted on simple societies, suggesting a model of relationships between cultural complexity and female premarital sexual freedom among foragers. We suggest that the underlying variable in this model is foraging intensification. This intensification appears to be one of the most important preconditions for the significant growth of cultural complexity among the foragers. As shown in the ethnographic record, this intensification mostly occurs through the development of hunting and/or fishing practices (i.e. in most cases predominantly male activities). This tends to lead to a decline in female contribution to subsistence which, in turn, appears to lead to the societal decline of female status. This, the general argument goes, contributes to the decrease of the female premarital sexual freedom. On the other hand, we argue that this is not the only mechanism explaining the negative correlation between cultural complexity and female premarital sexual freedom among foragers. The intensification of a foraging economy tends to lead to the rise of the wealth accumulation, and the growth of cultural complexity components such as the development of a medium of exchange and social stratification. This situation seems to “entice” the development of modes of marriage that involve the transfer of valuables/ services. The growth of social stratification appears to have an independent influence on the decline of female premarital sexual freedom among foragers. The growth of similar components of cultural complexity seems to lead to the development of slavery and polygyny, whereas the combined action of these factors appears to entice what we call "bride commodification" which against the background of declining female status appears, naturally, to lead to the restriction of the female premarital sexual freedom. The growth of such components of cultural complexity as political integration, fixity of settlement and community size seems to contribute to the decline of female premarital sexual freedom through the growth of social control (against the background of declining female status).
This article hypothesizes that in societies where spouses are considered to have relatively equal status, they are more likely to be intimate with one another than in societies where there is spousal status inequality. The authors ask: What are the core attributes of intimacy between husband and wife cross-culturally? And what sociocultural norms and practices are associated with intimate/nonintimate spousal relationships? Five variables are used as indicators of intimacy: husband– wife sleeping proximity, privacy in sleeping for husbands and wives, husband– wife eating arrangement, husband–wife spending leisure time together, and husband attending birth of his child. These variables are correlated with 60 variables for female status in “traditional” societies constructed and coded by Whyte. From this research, the authors develop a female kin power model based on five main sociocultural variables: war, skewed sex ratio, polygyny, parental warmth, and socialization for aggression. Results indicate that intimacy in spousal relationships is significantly predicted by female status.