A right to the highest attainable standard of health has been universally recognized as a human right by numerous important international conventions in the last six decades. So far, limited work has been done to examine constitutional protection of health rights and their relation to population health outcomes on a global scale. In addition, the analysis of how nations translate this right into impactful health policies is lacking due to previous lack of quantitatively comparable global data. In this paper we rely on official online sources and email interviews with country health policy experts to construct a global dataset of national health plans and to analyze the scope of health coverage. We also link these data with a database on the status of constitutional rights in 191 United Nations member states from the World Policy Analysis Center at the University of California, Los Angeles. This allows us to examine in which countries constitutional health guarantees are associated with policies that aim to provide adequate, accessible and affordable to all health care, and in which nations there are rights on paper but not in practice. Our analysis provides information necessary for tracking the progress and for identifying the gaps in the practical implementation of the rights to health worldwide.
Under the presidency of Medvedev, the word “modernization” became one of the hobbyhorses of Russian politicians who insisted that Russian society, polity and economics would have to be modernized if Russia wanted to compete with the West. At the same time there were no illusions amongst the Russian leadership that Russia would ever become a part of the European Union, enter NATO, or in any way accede to the political or military structures of Western civilization. This logi- cally led to a sense of vulnerability; to the fear that the militarily and economically more powerful West would strip Russia of its territories and/or resources. A similar challenge was perceived during the time of Peter the Great at the turn of the 17th– 18th centuries, and in the aftermath of Communist rule at the end of the 20th cen- tury. To accept the challenge “to change or to decay”, Russia nevertheless could not follow the adaptation scenario of other Eastern-European countries–to endorse Western standards and values and to transplant the Western institutions. To avoid “decaying”, the country had to change not only its political institutions, but also the philosophy underpinning them–the complicated combination of ideas, values, and conceptions which had been developed throughout its long history and which were, and still are, largely incompatible with the liberal philosophy on which Western political institutions are based
As far as correlation does not mean causation, even it found a high correlation between some legal rights and economical parameters, it doesn’t mean that the latter are caused by legal dimensions only. However, if strong correlations exist between some legal rights and some socioeconomic outcomes, this is a good argument for policy makers to improve situation with proper legal rights which highly correlate with their first priority, that of socioeconomic policy aims. It’s important to know the real impact of improving legal rights for society to avoid overestimation or underestimation of this impact. Also, regarding the increase in the amount of different international ratings of legal rights, the question which is more reliable should be raised (“competition of ratings”). The correlation analysis shows that “economic oriented” legal rights such as like property and intellectual property are relatively more correlated with GDP per capita. On the other hand, political rights and civil freedoms such as the right not to be tortured unlawfully detained are relatively more correlated with social progress as a more complex and general socio-economic outcome. At the same time there is no high correlation observed between legal rights and life expectancy.
As Giandomenico Majone fairly stated in his Evidence, Argument and Persuasion in the Policy Process, politicians know too well but social scientists too often forget, that “public policy is made of language” The idea to apply categories of rhetoric to the policy-making is not by itself new, for the "analysts, like lawyers, politicians, and others who make a functional use of language, will always be involved in all the technical problems of language, including rhetorical problems”. The article analuzed human rights discourse and tries to fina an answer to the question, why the idea of human rights remains unpopular with certain segments of the Russian society and how human rights activists and lawyers may promote the idea of human rights.
This book is devoted to the international dispute resolution in various contexts.
The decision-making system in international organizations is still very conservative. The composition of the international forums that can generate significant international instruments has not changed for centuries. Only diplomats and representatives of international organizations whose credentials confirmed in a certain way admitted to international decision-making. The only exception to this rule is the International Labor Organization (ILO), which works on the principle of tripartism. The ILO in its work involves not only the representatives of the states, but also representatives of employers and workers from each of the member states of the ILO.
Internet Governance Forum, under the auspices of the UN, UNESCO and the International Telecommunication Union, is established in 2006 on the basis of the World Summit on the Information Society, which is today the world's most authoritative international discussion forum on Internet governance, not fully use their potential in order to best regulation of international Internet governance processes. The basis for this regulation is multistakeholder approach, which consists in a multiplicity of categories of decision-making mechanism, which includes, in addition to the traditional representatives of states and international organizations, civil society, business, academic and technical community, the media, and other interested stakeholders.
This research is expected to provide guidance in improving the global Internet governance arrangements, taking into account the interests of all categories of participants, as well as to establish rules of procedure for decision-making based on multistakeholder-approach in the Internet governance to give the Internet Governance Forum the opportunity to adopt international “soft law” instruments. An example of this is the Draft Charter of rights and principles on the Internet, developed by Dynamic Coalition on Human Rights and the principles of the Internet Governance Forum - a kind of analogue of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with regard to the Internet. The need to take human rights instruments on the Internet determines the direction of the development of programs and policies in global Internet governance and role of the Internet Governance Forum in these processes.
Why has there been a human rights backlash in Russia despite the country having been part of the European human rights protection system since the late 1990s? To what extent does Russia implement judgments of the Strasbourg Court, and to what extent does it resist the implementation? This fascinating study investigates Russia's turbulent relationship with the European Court of Human Rights and examines whether the Strasbourg court has indeed had the effect of increasing the protection of human rights in Russia. Researchers and scholars of law and political science with a particular interest in human rights and Russia will benefit from this in-depth exploration of the background of this subject.