Did Aristarchus of Samothrace Influence Homeric Vulgate?
The collection includes proceedings of the conference concerned with modern means of preservation, catalogization, analysis and publication of manuscripts, incunabulae and other primary sources. Information resources of humanities and their usage in research and pedagogics is discussed as well.
Aristarchus of Samothrace had excluded some verses from his edition of the Iliad (presumably those which were poorly attested in manuscript tradition) and had athetized some others (possibly those which were widespread). We may assume that his textual variants can also be divided in two similar groups: (1) those which were present in his edition (and were well attested in papyri) and (2) those which were cited only in his commentary (and were absent from most manuscripts). If we accept this hypothesis, it might help us to solve one of the important paradoxes of Homeric manuscript tradition. On the one hand, numerus versuum in ancient manuscript tradition is identical to mediaeval Homeric vulgate and to aristarchean edition (according to the mainstream view). That shows the influence of Aristarchus, because the standardization of Egyptian Homeric papyri concurs with the time of the great philologist. On the other hand, most readings of Aristarchus are absent from Homeric vulgate (only 30% of his readings, according to disputable calculations of T. Allen, can be seen in all or most manuscripts). That means on the opposite that the great philologist had little influence on the tradition. The suggested hypothesis can be in full or partly compatible with the others, e.g. the interesting assumption of M. Finkelberg about the role of Ptolemy VIII in Homeric tradition.
This note discusses one of the largely super uous conjectures unearthed by J. Diggle and given an honourable place in his otherwise very succinct and e cient apparatus criticus. Reported by none of the recent editors, and earlier by Prinz–Wecklein and Verrall, Herwerden’s μελανόσπλαγχνος in Euripides’ Medea 109 is an undesirable change of the sound, if idiosyncratic, mss. reading μεγαλόσπλαγχνος. Diggle, however, having (independently) conjectured the same word, patched together arguments for it. An additional attraction this conjecture gained in his eyes was due to his misreading of the remark (quoted in the heading) Wilamowitz made proofreading the rst volume of Murray’s OCT in 1901. While Wilamowitz discouraged Murray from reporting this conjecture with his usual “besser fort”, Diggle, on passing acquaintance with the letters, took it to mean “Herw. besser fort[asse]”, thus corroborating his point.
An article describes one of the earliest prose texts (never published or even known about) of Vsevolod Nekrasov, Russian concretist and conceptualist: it adds some significant information on "second avant-garde" notions of "classical literature".
It is known that Old Rusian chronicles were not only extended, but also inetnsively edited by the newcoming generations of bookmen. Usually the reasons for editing of text are searched amongst the political circumstances of the time. However, changing approaches to actual theological questions could also be the cause of text evolution. One of such was the question of the nature of suffering, on which there existed at least two views — the one of the author of so-called Načalnyj Svod of the 1090ies, and the outher of the author of Pověst Vremennykh Lět.
This book deals with the preliminary results of a linguistic and textological study of the Edited Slavonic-Russian Pentateuch which contains—in the copies from the 15th–16th centuries—a lot of glosses and emendations originated primarily in the Masoretic Text. It turns out that the Pentateuch was edited not directly according to the Masoretic text, but via the obvious intermediary translations of the Masoretic text into a Turkic language, more precisely Old Western Kipchak. The existence of a Turkic Targum of the Pentateuch in the 15th century has been proven by the dating of its earliest MS to the 1470s–80s. The author hypothesizes that the Edited Slavonic-Russian Pentateuch was made within the framework of the large-scale Biblical project held in Jewish-Christian collaboration in the second half of the 15th century in Kiev, which is why we might rename the Edited Pentateuch “the Judaizers’ Pentateuch.”
The book is a publication of a full text of M.Kh. Aleshkovskiy’s candidate of sciences (PhD) thesis defended in 1967 and previously available only in a shortened popular edition.