Влияние "нефтяного шока" на пост-советские режимы
The study - within the complex of theories of comparative political science - of certain separate aspects of post-Soviet countries' political evolution opens before the researchers substantial possibilities for the augmentation of knowledge. However, the disposable democratization models prove to be insufficient to enable adequate analysis of the transformations of the political regimes in respective societies. Pointing to the necessity of further steps in developing the "research cycle" of studying post-Soviet politics, the author raises a number of questions related to the democracy and democratization concepts and attempts to find out what are the answers in the light of the political development experience of the countries that have emerged on the territory of the former USSR. In his article, the author has: (a) considered cognitive prospects of the models of democracy in post-Soviet society; (b) analyzed the explanation capacities of different approaches to the study of democratization; (c) defined specific characteristics of the transformation process that political regimes in post-USSR undergo; (d) formulated some propositions on how (and, partly, why) there is the formation of political competition and of political institutions going on in the post-Soviet expanse. In conclusion, the author shares his considerations about the researchers' agenda and about new tasks facing the researchers.
This paper examines patterns of support for conservative attitudes toward abortion, divorce, and premarital sex in nine societies of the former Soviet Union. We use the World Values Survey data from Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Ukraine, and Uzbekistan collected in 2011–2013 to discuss the reasons of lifestyle intolerance. Using latent class and other multivariate analyzes, we find that the degree of religiosity is a more important predictor of conservative values than is the Islamic cultural legacy. For instance, people in the Christian and very religious countries of Armenia and Georgia are far more likely to condemn sex before marriage or abortion than are Muslims in more secular Kazakhstan. Interestingly, the watershed between the heterogeneous and uniform societies does not coincide with the economic divide as there are rich and poor countries in the sample. Instead, the watershed is best described by the country's degree of religiosity, which may well be an effect of economic development awhile ago rather than at the present time. Latent class analysis suggests that populations are more heterogeneous with regard to attitudes toward abortion, divorce, and premarital sex in Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine. In Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, there is more unanimity in reprobation of abortion, divorce, and premarital sex.
The book is a result of the first ever study of the transformations of the higher education institutional landscape in fifteen former USSR countries after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. It explores how the single Soviet model that developed across the vast and diverse territory of the Soviet Union over several decades has evolved into fifteen unique national systems, systems that have responded to national and global developments while still bearing some traces of the past. The book is distinctive as it presents a comprehensive analysis of the reforms and transformations in the region in the last 25 years; and it focuses on institutional landscape through the evolution of the institutional types established and developed in Pre-Soviet, Soviet and Post-Soviet time. It also embraces all fifteen countries of the former USSR, and provides a comparative analysis of transformations of institutional landscape across Post-Soviet systems. It will be highly relevant for students and researchers in the fields of higher education and and sociology, particularly those with an interest in historical and comparative studies.