Измерение и анализ благосостояния: возможные подходы на основе данных РиДМиЖ
Basing on data of the third wave “Generation and Gender survey” (GGS), author analyzes characteristics of single-parent families’ life, structure of single-parent families, their welfare and well-being, possibilities to combine work and family. Most of single-parent families consist of mother and her minor children. Economic activity of lonely mothers is tense, but only one third of lonely mothers has opportunity to combine work and family life. Despite high economic activity, lonely mothers estimate often their well-being and living conditions as bad.
The paper presents brief results of research devoted to the factors of high parity fertilty in Russia. The analysis is based in the 2004, 2007 and 2011 Russian GGS data.
Based on reliable sources of statistical information and its quantitative analysis, the authors address the following questions: what is the real prevalence of single motherhood in Russia, taking into consideration different modes of defining the phenomenon; to what extent do the socio-demographic characteristics of women raising children in single parent and two-parent families differ; what is the probability that women with children will transition from one partnership status to another; and whether the average duration of parenting children in single-mother families has increased or decreased over the last decades. The paper uses data from the population censuses, extensive vital statistics, as well as data from two waves of a large sample survey "Parents and children, men and women in family and society," performed in the framework of the UNECE "Generations and Gender" comparative research program of surveys. Although single-mother families are significantly present in the structure of Russian families, our analysis does not confirm the widespread opinion that the number of single parent families in Russia is growing. The proportion of single mothers varies from 12% to 21% and the proportion of children under 18 years of age living in single parent families varies from 10% to 25% depending on the definition being used. On the whole, the social and demographic characteristics of single mothers and mothers bringing up children in unions do not differ significantly. However, single mothers share certain characteristics: more experience of changing partners, fewer numbers of children ever born, early orphanhood, diversity of values regarding family and children’s education, and greater economic vulnerability. Nonetheless, single motherhood is a temporary condition for a considerable number of women, a stage in the establishment of a two-parent family. The dynamism of single motherhood directly influences the conditions in which children are socialized within the family. The average duration of living in a single-parent family has decreased for children who were born in single parent families, and has increased for children who were born in two-parent families. The data confirm the growing instability of mothers’ marital/partnership status in both types of families. At the same time, over the last decades, a child’s overall probability and average duration of living in a two-parent family with someone other than the biological father have increased over the last decades, which may be assumed to entail a specific type of parenting and upbringing.
This paper regards the phenomenon of eventual childlessness, which remains acutely underexplored in Russia. The prevalence of childlessness in Russia is estimated on the basis of the 2002 and 2010 National Census data. The third wave of the Russian Generation and Gender Survey (GGS-Russia, 2011) and the second wave of the Moscow and its Citizens Survey (MaCS, 2013) form the basis for childlessness determinants modeling. The study demonstrates the existence of relatively broad childlessness in Russia and proves its recent growth from low to middle range. The prevalence of eventual childlessness as well as of zero child preferences appears to be significantly higher in Moscow compared to the rest of the country. In the capital city childless intentions are widespread among 40-49-year-old well-educated and well-paid individuals who are the only children in the parental family and who do not consider official marriage or having children to be prerequisites for happiness. With regard to the rest of the country, only higher age, biological infertility and absence of a partner are significant determinants of zero child preferences. Thus, in Moscow, apart from involuntary or circumstantial childlessness we may be capturing the first sprouts of voluntary childlessness, while in the rest of the country we observe only the first two types of behavior.