Партии «Брекзит» и «Изменим Соединённое Королевство» как вызовы для политического мейнстрима
The article discusses the revolution in political science, produced by economists - the creators of the theory of public choice. Before the advent of this theory the concept of benevolent state, pursuing a public interest, totally dominated. Economists (J. Buchanan and G. Tullock, and others) began to treat the activities of politicians and bureaucrats as an ordinary economic agents maximizing their own utility. As a result, it made possible an alternative view of the state: it turned into a resultant vector of divergent private and collective interests. In the recent years, public choice theory was divided into two areas: the "political economics" of mainstream neoclassical economics and Virginia school. This article discusses the similarities and differences of the latter with the Austrian school of economics. It is argued that the preservation of non-orthodox content of Virginia school is possible only in the case of its alliance with the Austrian school of economics as a leading intellectual force confrontation economic mainstream.
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to introduce findings of comparative analysis and various models based on cultural heritage resources to foster regional development.
Design/methodology/approach – Comparison of operational schemes, market positions and branding of three successful cultural heritage centers in Germany, Great Britain and Russia demonstrates a variety of regional development models based on cultural resources and tourism development, and reveals their advantages and disadvantages.
Findings – The paper evidences the potential of cultural resources and the tourism sector as drivers for regional development, and helps formulate basic recommendations for the Russian situation requiring elaboration of adequate financial and social instruments.
Originality/value – The paper provides a complex analysis of different operational models in three European countries with regard to specific national situations and specificity of heritage operational management.
The efficiency approach, as advocated by the Chicago School in particular, only provides a very narrow approach to competition law analysis that relies on the preferences of consumers. This approach remains especially insufficient for the regulation of firms that provide citizens with politically relevant news and information. In times of digitisation, citizens increasingly rely on news disseminated by Internet intermediaries such as Facebook, Twitter or Google for making political decisions. Such firms design their business models and their algorithms for selecting the news according to a purely economic rationale. Yet recent research indicates that dissemination of news through social platforms in particular has a negative impact on the democratic process by favouring the dissemination of false factual statements, fake news and unverifiable conspiracy theories within closed communities and, ultimately, leads to radicalisation and a division of society along political and ideological lines. Experience based on the Brexit referendum in the UK and the recent presidential elections in the US highlights the ability of populist political movements to abuse the business rationale of Internet intermediaries and the functioning of their algorithms in order to win popular votes with their ‘post-truth politics’. This article relies on competition law principles to discuss future approaches to regulating the market for political ideas at the interface of competition law and media law in the new digital age. Based on constitutional considerations the article rests on the assumption that media markets should not only provide news that responds best to the psychological predispositions and subjective beliefs of the individual citizen, but also provide correct information and diversity of opinion as a basis for making informed democratic decisions.
In the next two years, the UK will be faced with a complicated geopolitical situation. The relations with its two key partners – the EU and the USA – will be changed. The USA, when dealing with European issues, will begin to rely on Germany rather than on the UK. It will be necessary to negtiate with the EU a new relationship model that will envisage that the UK should not participate in the decision-making process inside the European Union, and should have no internal inﬂuence there. Simultaneously, there will be a need for negotiations on new trade agreements with a number of countries that are not EU member states, because the UK, once it has withdrawn from the US, will automatically ﬁ nd itself outside of the international trade agreements concluded on behalf of the EU, including those in the framework of the WTO.