Common Legacy: Evolution of the Institutional Landscape of Soviet Higher Education
The objective of this chapter is to present the common legacy basis for the chapters devoted to specific post-Soviet countries.
Values are long-term orientation goals that guide behaviour and change gradually over the life course. Belarus, like its neighbouring countries, has lived through post-communist transformations that entailed deep value change that many believed to be linked with modernization. This paper applies R. Inglehart’s revised theory of modernization in the comparative analysis of preferences for social development and values in upbringing over the 1990-2012 survey data of the WVS and EVS. Belarus is compared to Russia and Kazakhstan, the Eurasian neighbours, on the one hand, and with Poland and Ukraine, eastern European neighbours, on the other. Results demonstrate that in many respects the preferred values of social development and upbringing have shown similar trends over two decades, with the priority of materialist needs in social development but also rising importance of independence and responsibility as children’s qualities. At the same time, Belarus’s position between the countries compared is too ambivalent to conclude that it is closer in values either to one or the other neighbourhood at the moment.
Race and Racism in Russia identifies the striking changes in racial ideas, practices, exclusions and violence in Russia since the 1990s, revealing how 'Russianness' has become a synonym for racial whiteness. This ground-breaking book provides new theories and substantive insights into race and ethnicity in a Russian context.
This book is novel not only in its theoretical framework, which places racialisation in post-communist societies and their modernist political projects at the centre of processes of global racism, but also in being the first account to examine both these new national contexts and the interconnections between racisms in these four regions of the Baltic states, the Southern Caucasus, Central Asia and Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine, and elsewhere. Assessments of the significance of the contemporary geopolitical contexts of armed conflict, economic transformation and political transition for racial discourse are central themes, and the book highlights the creative, innovative and persistent power of contemporary forms of racial governance which has central significance for understanding contemporary societies.
The book will be of interest to scholars and students in the areas of racism and ethnicity studies.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union two decades ago created a new migration situation in the region. Although former Soviet republics develop independently, the region remains a common area for the vast majority of population. The post-Soviet movement of people is facilitated by shared transportation and communication systems, a regionally recognized language (Russian), education systems, complementary labor markets, and similar mentalities and behavior patterns. Russia is an important place of destination for regional migration. This may be attributed to notable income differentiation between former Soviet republics and Russia. Relevant changes of demographic profile in both directions also predict and reflect the patterns and flows of regional movement of people. This paper is aimed at analyzing and identifying factors affecting regional migration flows to Russia. The gravity model, being a key empirical tool, has been utilized in the paper. The research approach to the topic of interest remains interdisciplinary as it incorporates both economic and non-economic factors of migration patterns. The key finding of the paper is that the level of income in source countries and population in places of origin and destination are influential for migration. Socio-cultural factors which reflect a common historical background remain significant in all estimations.
During several decades Soviet academic psychology community was isolated from the West, but after the collapse of the Soviet Union each of the 15 countries went its own way in economic, social, and scientific development. The paper analyses publications from post-Soviet countries in psychological journals in 1992–2016, i.e. 25 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Results show that 15 post-Soviet countries have produced in sum less than one percent from the world output in psychological journals. There is a huge diversity in the number of papers between 15 post-Soviet countries. Russia, Estonia, and Lithuania are the leaders among them. Authors of the more than 90% of all post-Soviet countries' papers are affiliated with these three countries. The most intensive collaboration is between Russia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Georgia and between three Baltic countries. Post-Soviet countries also differ in publication patterns.
This encyclopedia entry discusses the contested understanding of the notion of civil society on a global scale. This essay suggests differentiating the definitions of civil society in the Western and Eastern tradition. Lately, the idea of civil society was conceptualized in Western tradition as an aggregation of a plethora of charities and politically engaged nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This encyclopedia entry argues that cultural context defines civil society institutions and suggests new conceptualization of civil society suitable for Eastern tradition. The entry discusses the distinguishing features of civil society in Russia, which can be found in many other Post-Soviet countries and, generally, in most countries of Eastern tradition.
Why do authoritarian regimes permit elections in some settings but not in others? Focusing on the decision to hold subnational elections, we argue that autocrats can use local elections to assuage powerful subnational elites. When subnational elites control significant political resources, such as local political machines, leaders may need to co-opt them to govern cost-effectively. Elections are an effective tool of co-optation because they provide elites with autonomy and the opportunity to cultivate their own power bases. We test this argument by analyzing variation in the decision to hold mayoral elections in Russia’s 207 largest cities between 2001 and 2012. Our findings suggest that Russian mayoral elections were more likely to be retained in cities where elected mayors sat atop strong political machines. Our findings also illustrate how subnational elections may actually serve to perpetuate authoritarianism by helping to ensure elite loyalty and putting the resources of powerful elites to work for the regime.