Partizipstil в стилистике позднеантичной гимнографии: сто лет после Э. Нордена
The present thesis is a study of Athanasios of Alexandria‘s thought and writings—predominantly pastoral—in the context of ecclesial, ascetic, and liturgical developments in fourth-century Christian communities in Egypt. I explore Athanasios‘ Festal Letters, individual correspondence (primarily the Letter to Markellinos), and the Life of Antony from the perspective of the bishop‘s concerns about the contemporaneous diversity of devotional and liturgical practices of praying and hymn-singing. The central argument of this thesis is that Athanasios had a coherent vision of the ideal Christian prayer and hymnody. For Athanasios, 'orthodox‘ Christians—lay and ascetics, educated devotees and common believers alike—should derive their practices of devotion and liturgy from the Bible—the Psalter and the Biblical odes—rather than other sources. Athanasios‘ programme of devotional and liturgical orthopraxy centred around the Biblical ideal is part of his much broader ecclesiological project of bringing unity to the division-riddled church of Egypt. The bishop conceives of the Scripturally-cued shared patters of praying and hymn-singing as one of the means to unify scattered Christian communities. Although his pastoral programme of a uniform Biblical devotion is not as self-consciously and combatively formulated as e.g. his polemic against the 'Arians‘ or Meletians, it surfaces across his writings with consistency. Targeted against the diversity of modes of prayer and hymn-singing practiced across a variety of doctrinally, ecclesially, and socially different communities, Athanasios‘ pastoral programme of devotional orthopraxy reflected the trends towards unification in the bishop-led Christian culture of late antiquity and contributed to their further strengthening.
This article discusses a process that could be defined as ‘exchange of saints’ between Egypt and Syria in the second half of the first millennium. Coptic synaxaria and liturgical books contain commemorations not only of the local martyrs who were born and suffered in Egypt, but also a great number of commemorations of foreign saints who later became appropriated by the Coptic Church, such as a group of the so-called Antiochene saints whose relics were claimed to belong to Egypt either because these saints were martyred in Egypt or because the relics had been transferred to Egypt at some point. The presence of these saints in early hymnographic collections preserved in two manuscripts of the ninth century (M574 and M575 of the Pierpont Morgan Library) provides ample evidence of the continuing and lasting interest of the Egyptian Christians in Antiochene saints. Such enthusiasm could probably be explained by the work of Severus of Antioch (465-538) who did a great deal to promote the exchange of saints between the two communities. The article also examines the seeming absence of reciprocity on the Syrian side and reviews the evidence provided by the early material, such as the hymns attributed to Severus of Antioch, which came down to us in Syriac translation revised by James of Edessa in the seventh century. One of these texts, a hymn dedicated to the Egyptian martyrs, is of particular interest in regard to the ‘exchange of saints’ and shows that the process was in fact reciprocal.
This article is dedicated to the II Council of Seville (A.D. 619) and its decisions. This Council was presided over famous Isidore of Seville, a great expert of Classical culture and in particolary in Roman law. Thanks to Isidore the canons of its Council were influenced by the norm of Theodosian Code. In that way the Roman Law became a base of the Canonical Law.
This book includes the abstracts of leading foreign and russian scholars in the palaeography, codicology, sphragistics and other auxiliary historical disciplines (with special emphasis on the manuscript collections of Saint-Petersburg).
This article discusses one of the most peculiar elements of the Diocletianic tradition in Coptic hagiographical texts which is unattested in any other historical sources — namely, the special connection between Diocletian and his favourite god, Apollo. It appears that the authors of Coptic texts used for re-creating the historical setting of the events of the Great Persecution not only the material provided in the works of Christian historiographers, such as Eusebius, Lactantius and John Malalas, but also homiletic and hymnographic material found in other sources. The descriptions of the Diocletian’s connection with Apollo in the Coptic texts contradict the historical evidence (Diocletian’s tutelary deity was Zeus, not Apollo); however, they evince their authors’ knowledge of the references to the cult of Apollo at Antioch in the works of the two most popular Antiochian authors of later period — John Chrysostom and Severus of Antioch. Their homilies in honour of St Babylas of Antioch have been known in Egypt from the relatively early stage and have obviously influenced the Coptic perception of Antioch as a centre of the cult of Apollo; one might also see the how these later episodes — the story of Julian the Apostate and the relics of St Babylas — were re-imagined and re-introduced by Coptic hagiographers into the martyr passions of the Diocletianic period.
1. In the text of Passio S. Sebastiani (BHL 7543), 13, AASS 2.267, instead of …ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu hoc unicuique sapit, quo fuerit delectatus, a new reading is proposed: ...ita illic refectio, quam os susceperit, melliflua in gustu. Hoc unicuique satis, quo fuerit delectatus. Besides, examination of the available part of the manuscript tradition (which is huge and nearly unexplored) possibly points to instability of the transmitted text as well. 2. In the text of Chromatius of Aquileia’s Sermones, 26.94–98 Étaix–Lemarié, instead of post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmauit, a new reading is proposed: post multas uirtutes et mirabilia, quae fidem credentium confirmarunt (if r could be mistaken for the left vertical line of u, then it is easy to imagine a corruption of -rũt to -uit). 3. A new approach to the solution of the problem posed by senseless and unmetrical ductor iacet in Corippus, Iohannis 4.1 is proposed: the word ductor could originate as a gloss to rex, which could in its turn be a corruption of res (the verb has to be corrected as well, but here no clearly preferable decision seems to occur). The best of the preceding conjectures, that of L. Nosarti, is criticized on palaeographic grounds.