Epreuves de Noblesse. Les expériences nobilitaires de la Haute Robe Parisienne (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles
The paper analyzes the characteristics of perception of creativity E. Le Roy Ladurie in the USSR and Russia. Pathways of information was the academic medievalists reviews, reviews of professional critics of bourgeois historiography, abstract journals and collections. During the perestroika years the popularity of Le Roy Ladurie has increased significantly, but the introduction to his work was limited by methodological declarations, not research monographs.
The Uses of Justice in Global Perspective, 1600–1900 presents a new perspective on the uses of justice between 1600 and 1900 and confronts prevailing Eurocentric historiography in its examination of how people of this period made use of the law.
Between 1600 and 1900 the towns in Western Europe, the Kingdoms in Eastern Europe, the Empires in Asia and the Colonial States in Asia and the Americas were all characterised by a plurality of legal orders resulting from interactions and negotiations between states, institutions, and people with different backgrounds. Through exploring how justice is used within these different areas of the world, this book offers a broad global perspective, but it also adopts a fresh approach through shifting attention away from states and onto how ordinary people lived with and made use of this ‘legal pluralism’.
Containing a wealth of extensively contextualised case studies and contributing to debates on socio-legal history, processes of state formation from below, access to justice, and legal pluralism, The Uses of Justice in Global Perspective, 1600–1900 questions to what degree top-down imposed formal institutions were used and how, and to what degree, bottom-up crafted legal systems were crucial in allowing transactions to happen. It is ideal for students and scholars of early modern justice, crime and legal history.
The main research subject of this book is the phenomenon of the "positive deviation" in Sabaic epigraphy, i.e. the use of the plural in the places where one would expect the singular or dual. The quantitative analysis of this phenomenon undertaken in this book leads me to the supposition that its main causes are social and not purely linguistic, though the linguistic trend towards the supplanting of the dual by the plural observed in Middle Sabaic epigraphy can partly (but only partly) explain the positive deviation from the dual. Hence, the study of this phenomenon leads me to the following suppositions with respect to the social history of ancient Yemen: (1.) Clan organization seems to have played an important role in the social life of Middle Sabaean society (= the Middle Sabaean cultural-political area = the Northern part of the area of the Middle Sabaic epigraphy, the 1st century BC - the 4th century AD): (1.a.) All the main types of immovable property (fields, vineyards, houses, irrigation structures, wells &c) were considered as a rule almost without exceptions to be the property of clan groups, but not of the individuals. (1.b.) Clan groups (not individuals) were considered to be chiefs of the tribes.
1.c. Clan groups were often considered to be both objects of the client dependence, and the patrons of the clients ('dm).
1.d. Tribes were often considered to consist of clan groups (not of individuals).
2. In the Ancient Sabaean cultural-political area (the 1st millennium BC) the role of the clan organization was remarkably less important.
2.a. It is impossible to say that almost all kinds of immovable property were considered here to be in the possession of clans. In the majority of the cases individual (not clan) possessions are mentioned in the Ancient Sabaean inscriptions. Though private ownership might not have become completely universal in the Ancient Period, it is quite evident that the process of the formation and proliferation of this form of ownership went quite far in this Period.
2.b. In the Ancient Period the individual forms of cliental dependence seem to have played a much more important role than the clan ones. In the majority of the cases individual persons (not clients) were considered to be both "patrons" and "clients".
2.c. Individual persons (not clans) were usually considered to be leaders of tribes and communities in the Ancient Period.
2.d. Tribes were always considered to consist of individuals (not clans) in this period.
3. One may suppose that the process of the formation of the state and civilization in the Lowlands went far enough in the Ancient Period to cause a considerable decline of the clan organization and the ejecting of it to the periphery (both in the spatial and social senses of this word) of the social system.
4. Hence, it is possible to suppose that with the transition from the Ancient to Middle Period the clan organisation in the "North" significantly consolidated, its social importance considerably grew.
5. The "archaization" of the social life in the Southern (Himyarite-Radmanite) part of the area of the Middle Sabaic epigraphy (most of which was a part of the Qatabanian cultural-political area in the Ancient Period) was less strong than in the Northern ("Sabaean") part. The Ancient "individualized" tradition survived in the South to some extent, and the positions of the clan organization were not so solid here as they were in the North.
6.The above-mentioned social changes fit quite well in the general picture of the Pre-Islamic Yemeni history.
6.a. Several factors described in Chapter 4 caused a significant decline of the Sabaean state and civilization by the end of the 1st millennium BC. The weakening state organization seems to have become incapable of providing guarantees of life and property to individuals, and it was the clan organization that took on these functions to a considerable extent. As a result we can see by the Middle Period the consolidation of the clan organization which acted as a partial substitute for the weak state. This process can be also considered as quite an adequate social adaptation to the new situation which appeared in the Sabaean cultural-political area by the end of the 1st millennium BC with the relative decline of the Sabaean Lowlands (caused by the above-mentioned factors) and the rise of the importance of the "Sabaean" Highlands. Indeed, the Middle "Sabaean" political system, which was much less like a regular state than the Ancient one which included strong clan and tribal structures as its integral elements, turned out to be a really effective form of socio-political organization for a complex society in the Northern Highlands. Most political entities which appeared in this region from that time till the present have showen evident similarities to the Middle "Sabaean" socio-political organization.
6.b. The Middle Sabaean political system may be also characterized as consisting of a weak state in its centre and strong chiefdoms on its periphery. However, there is no doubt that this was a real system, i.e. it had some integrative properties which could not be reduced to the characteristics of its elements. It should be also taken into consideration that the state and chiefdoms were not the only elements of this political system. It included as well e.g. a sub-system of temple centres and the civil community of M_rib, as well as some true tribes (not chiefdoms) in the area of the Sabaean Lowlands, primarily the tribes of the Amirite confederation. With the transition from the Ancient to Middle Period the Sabaean political system was essentially transformed, becoming as a whole very different from the "state", but remaining, however, on basically the same level of political complexity. Without losing any political complexity and sophistication, the Middle "Sabaeans" managed to solve in quite different ways the problems which in complex societies are normally solved by states, such as the mobilization of resources for the functioning of the governing sub-system, the territorial organization of a vast space and the provision of guarantees of life and property. The Middle "Sabaean" experience seems to demonstrate that a large, complex, highly developed (in comparison with for example an average chiefdom) and integrated territorial entity need not necessarily be organized politically as a state. This appears to show that for the "early state" the transition to the "mature state" or complete "degeneration" into "tribes" and "chiefdoms" were not the only ways of possible evolution. One of the possible alternatives was its transformation into a "political system of the Middle Sabaean type". The real processes of political evolution seem to have been actually much less "unilinear" than is sometimes supposed. A significant transformation appears to have occurred in the area in the Early Islamic Period, and by the late Middle Ages the political system of the former "Sabaean" region seems to have consisted mainly of a stronger state in its centre and true tribes (not chiefdoms) on its periphery, whereas regular state structures persisted in the Southern (former Himyarite) cultural-political area.
6.c. The decline of the Ancient Qatabanian state took place significantly later than that of the Ancient Sabaean one. As a result the social continuity between the Ancient and the Middle Period in the Qatabanian cultural-political area was stronger, and the social transformation in the "South" turned out to be less dramatic. As a result in the Middle Period the state organization in the "South" appears considerably stronger than in the "North"; whereas the clan organization seems to have been much weaker. Quite an impressive feature of Yemeni history is that we find a more or less similar picture in 20th century Yemen: very strong clan-tribal structures and very weak state ones in the Yemeni Uplands to the north of Naq_l Yili (in the "Sabaean Highlands") and relatively weak clan-tribal structures and relatively strong state ones to the south of it, in the "Himyarite Highlands". Thus the above described picture appears as almost invariable in Yemeni history since the first centuries AD. This fact leads one to the supposition that there must be some fundamental basis for such a stable difference between the "North" and the "South". Its main objective factor is evident: the significant difference in the geographical conditions. It is really remarkable to find that the Highland territories of the two Middle Period cultural-political areas are practically identical with two main ecological zones of the Yemeni uplands.
7. The clan organization was not universal, even in the Middle Sabaean cultural-political area. The dense network of the clan relations was considerably weaker near the king and, perhaps, the most important temple centres, as they stood outside the clan organization and above it. In spatial dimensions, the zone of the weaker clan relations could be localized in the area of Marib and, perhaps, Nashq, Nashshan and San'a'.
In this article on the basis of archival documents and materials of the professional press observes the ideas spreaded in Russia in the 1990s of the tourism professional community about the phenomenon of the tourism. It was the period when the old ideas fell and the new rose, which should have been particularly reflected in the tourism industry, in soviet time had been under the high ideology pressure. The article deals with ideas typical of the majority of industry representatives in the 1990s: perception of the country's tourism potential as high and unique, unconditional interest of foreigners to Russia, the important impact of tourism on social progress, the solid educational and developing influence of travel on tourists. It is also shows the rudiments of fear and mistrust to everything from abroad. The article traces how the people associated with the travel industry saw the meaning of their work, which ways to develop tourism in Russia they suggested. Inside the professional community identifies the special groups, each of them advocating the priority development of one of the three types of travel-related leisure activities, united in one term “tourism”. The representatives of the “commercial” version wanted to earn foreign currency for the state by attracting guests from abroad. Supporters of sport tourism positioned themselves as an alternative to "commerce" and speak about physical development of the nation. Those who offered to develop social tourism planned to make travel accessible to all Russian citizens. Finally, the conclusion is made that the set of views in the professional society in the 1990s., with all its hopes and fears, was largely set by the ideological legacy of the Soviet era.
“Rossiiskaia imperiia” is a remarkable feat of scholarship – ambitious, intense, erudite, dazzling in its command of sources and topics. It’s also idiosyncratic and unwieldy, abounding with so many claims and so much information that it can sometimes be hard to define or reduce to a single impression. The book is a curious hybrid: a deeply empirically based survey of social life in the imperial era that also, at least in parts, has the feel of a meandering essay with multiple digressions on disparate topics. Sunderland’s remarks concentrate on just one aspect: the question of empire. Mironov’s points are compelling in many ways. There are good reasons to draw attention to the empire’s long-term historical stability and the particularities of tsarist rule that made the empire similar yet also different from other empires of its time. The vastness of the empire was stunning and clearly had a critical and overall advantageous impact on the development of the state. Numerous peoples indeed gained in important ways from their incorporation into Russian space, while ethnic Russians, as Mironov correctly points out, were not a “ruling people” who benefitted unambiguously from the imperial structure. “Rossiiskaia imperiia” generalized that created an overly one-sided picture of the empire’s virtues. Long-lasting and diverse states like the Russian Empire are complex forms hard to fit into tight categories of success or failure. Squeezing them into these boxes invariably means leaving things out, but leaving things out, in turn, creates a distorted view. Mironov’s book is far from a superficial glorification of the Russian experience. The work is full of scholarly complexity, contradiction, and nuance. It engages with difficult issues and invites constructive disagreement. But there is also no denying that Mironov tends to round up rather than round down when making generalizations about the tsarist experience, including the aspirations, practices, and consequences of Russian imperial rule. His insistence in “Rossiiskaia imperiia” in seeing tsarist Russian past as a glass half-full, perhaps three-quarters.
Scientific Conference "Socio- economic and political processes in Russia, Europe and North America in modern and contemporary times : a comparative study " conducted by the Department of General History and world politics of Historical and Sociological Institute of Mordovia State University in connection with the celebration of the 70th anniversary of the department. The purpose of the conference - make comparative analysis of the socio -economic , political and legal processes in Russia and the countries of Europe and North America in terms of transformation processes in modern and contemporary history. Comparative studies is demanded both in the implementation of scientific and educational activities , and in formulating recommendations to public authorities and local governments.
Seth Bernstein has produced a valuable institutional history of the Soviet youth organization, the Komsomol. By tracing the Komsomol from its origin after the October Revolution, through the years of high Stalinism in the 1930s and World War II, and into the immediate post-war period, Bernstein argues that the group went from being an iconoclastic (and, from the state’s point of view, unwieldy) collection of politically active youth, to a structured organization designed for ‘disciplining youth for socialism.’ (p. 222) Moreover, in drawing upon an impressive range of archival sources, Bernstein is able to create a full picture of the Komsomol, including both the debates over its political role at the top of its hierarchy, and the repercussions of those policies on ordinary members and would-be members. This presentation is particularly useful for scholars interested in gender history, as Bernstein regularly addresses the ways that men and women navigated the changing dynamics of Komsomol politics.