China's Energy Security and Relations with Petrostates: Oil as an Idea
This book examines the development of bilateral energy relations between China and the two oil-rich countries, Kazakhstan and Russia.
Challenging conventional assumptions about energy politics and China’s global quest for oil, this book examines the interplay of politics and sociocultural contexts. It shows how energy resources become ideas and how these ideas are mobilized in the realm of international relations. China’s relations with Kazakhstan and Russia are simultaneously enabled and constrained by the discursive politics of oil. It is argued that to build collaborative and constructive energy relations with China, its partners in Kazakhstan, Russia, and elsewhere must consider not only the material realities of China’s energy industry and the institutional settings of China’s energy policy but also the multiple symbolic meanings that energy resources and, particularly, oil acquire in China.
China’s Energy Security and Relations with Petrostates offers a nuanced understanding of China’s bilateral energy relations with Kazakhstan and Russia, raising essential questions about the social logic of international energy politics. It will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, energy security, Chinese and post-Soviet studies, along with researchers working in the fields of energy policy and environmental sustainability.
The issue of energy has been one of the reasons behind the creation of the G7 mechanism and with later added climate change problem, it remains high on the G8 agenda. The major powers of the West needed to coordinate their efforts in order to confront the new challenges: the need to ensure security of energy supply, introduce energy saving and energy efficient technologies and make sure that leading industrial countries can afford proper economic development with the adequate and unhampered energy supply. The global energy system has come through three major stages, with the last system structure still being in the making – with all the stakeholders, namely producer, consumer and transit states, big transnational energy corporations and national energy companies, still going through grand reshuffle and redistribution of “decision-making vs. accepting the rules of the games” roles. The G8 in general follows the suit along the lines of changes introduced within the global energy architecture fluctuations. As for the club’s activities, there is a way to provisionally single out five phases in the G7/G8 energy activities. During the times of the two energy crises – 1970s – early 1980s energy security issues took a prominent place on the G7 agenda. Further on during the period of much lower prices and sustainable excess of supply over demand this issue became second rate and was mentioned only within the environmental context. End of 1980s – early 1990s, after the demise of the Soviet Union and the socialist block falling apart the main focus of the G7 lead178 Part III. Critical cCase sStudies ers was shifted to the problems of nuclear security (not only as an environmental issue, especially after Chernobyl AES accident of 1986, but also in the light of growing risks of proliferation of nuclear materials and technologies. After 2000 energy security in its own right recaptured the attention of the G8 countries, with the so popular climate change issue being not only ecological, economic and political issue, but also intensified to a certain extent a PR and market-oriented reaction of the hydrocarbon consuming actors to the sky-rocketed oil prices. The fifth phase is still to be introduced and developed by the G8+ participants, since the current global financial and economic crisis has brought its own differentials into the process.
This study focuses on such a complex issue as an energy security. The energy security is often considered from the consumer's point of view. But it's an "umbrella term", covering a lot of concerns. This study looks at how the concept of demand security came about and how it evolved. The chapter examines requests of consuming and producing countries. Energy has a significant role in the relations between Russia and EU and this case is considered in the chapter.
The Handbook brins together energy security experts to explore the implications of framing the energy debates in security terms, both in respect of the governance of energy systems and the practices associated with energy security.
Vladimir Putin’s regime has struggled to restore Russia’s great power status. The discourses that have emerged around Russian energy wealth play a particularly significant role in this struggle and shape Russia’s identity in international relations. These multiple and contradictory understandings of energy resources are encapsulated in the two dominant discourses: the energy superpower and the raw-material appendage discourses. This paper examines these discourses and then demonstrates how they shape Russia’s energy diplomacy toward the European Union (EU).
China’s entry into the world energy system has economical as well as political global impacts. In 2014 China has become the world’s top oil importer, overtaking the U.S. that used to be dominating in this field since 1970s. However, the highest level of critics faced by China from the international community concerns the fact that this country is now the world’s biggest CO2 emitter, which is mostly connected with the China’s energy structure.
How the developing country with shortage in energy resources and technologies should act in international affairs to maintain a stable economic growth and an international image of responsible power? The analysis of geopolitical and geo economic aspects of the modern China’s energy policy helps answer this question.
The article presents analysis of the G8 and G20 activities in the spheres of energy and climate change for the period of 2008-2010. The establishment of an effective post-Kyoto climate regime and the global energy security (in a broad sense), in the eyes of the author, were the key problems that defined the range of issues within energy and climate change areas at the G8 and G20 summits during the period of analysis. The author shows the evolution of the issues within each institution and observes the division of labour between the G8 and G20. The conclusion is made that the division of labour between two institutions should be based on the principle of comparative advantage - the issue should be included in the agenda of the institution, which can effectively solve the problem with a higher probability. In that case, the G8 and G20 will reinforce each other's realization of global governance functions.
Quick economic development on India dictates the necessity of its energy base improvement. One could hardly overestimate the importance of so called seven sisters or seven states of North-East India. One of these states is Nagaland (16 579 км2, population -1, 980, 602), the first tribal state of India. There are deposits of gold, uranium, chromium, jade, natural gas and oil. This is the first state in the region having created a special Agency for renewable energy. The article is dedicated to the problems of energy development in the state.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.
This special publication for the 2012 New Delhi Summit is a collection of articles by government officials from BRICS countries, representatives of international organizations, businessmen and leading researchers.
The list of Russian contributors includes Sergei Lavrov, Foreign Minister of Russia, Maxim Medvedkov, Director of the Trade Negotiations Department of the Russian Ministry of Economic Development, Vladimir Dmitriev, Vnesheconombank Chairman, Alexander Bedritsky, advisor to the Russian President, VadimLukov, Ambassador-at-large of the Russian Foreign Affairs Ministry, and representatives of the academic community.
The publication also features articles by the President of Kazakhstan NursultanNazarbayev and internationally respected economist Jim O’Neil, who coined the term “BRIC”. In his article Jim O’Neil speculates about the future of the BRICS countries and the institution as a whole.
The publication addresses important issues of the global agenda, the priorities of BRICS and the Indian Presidency, the policies and competitive advantages of the participants, as well as BRICS institutionalization, enhancing efficiency and accountability of the forum.