Япония в эпоху Великих трансформаций
The monograph examines the most significant transformations in the political, social and economic spheres of Japan, starting with the Meiji revolution and ending with the present. Based on extensive factual material, the authors tried to assess the largest political and socio-economic transformations at individual historical stages.
It is shown in the paper, that the probability of economy’s transition to innovative forms of development largely depends on the type of logic according to which economic agents evaluate the role, utility and feasibility of technological innovation as a component of development strategies of firms.
This article contains the analysis of the revealed contradictions between deep conservatism of the Russian Old Believers in their actually religious and sacralized daily practicians, on the one hand, and wide innovations in a row industries where Old Believers became leaders in the first half of the 19th century, with another. Declaring "novines" devil-skim "and" unacceptable, "renouncing foreign dress, tobacco, tea and potatoes, etc., Old citizens were the first in Russia to begin impost from Europe (first of all, from Great Britain and Germany) equipment, new technologies and specialists for the textile industry. This contradiction was created by the specific system of values of the company-rovers, the center of which was the spiritual concept of the Cause. The case, among other things, entrepreneurship (under certain conditions) was perceived by old rites as "the work of God for the sake of" and a personal Christian feat. Religious restrictions on the use of borrowing did not extend to such "Good Guilt." In order to carry out the "Good and suffocating cause," it was permissible to knowingly commit sin, including the use of imported equipment.
The paper shows the connection of the normative-value system of Russians with the existing type of Russian society. On a large empirical data estimated specificity and stage of sociocultural modernization experienced by contemporary Russian society .
This collection includes copies of reports and participants are Russian scientific-practical conference on "Europe, Russia, Asia: Cooperation, contradictions, conflicts," held in Ryazan State University November 29, 2012. Designed for professionals, historians, teachers, schools and universities, undergraduate and graduate students of historical faculty.
In this chapter the cultural barriers of Russian modernisation and their consequences for the national development are analyzed. It starts from the necessity of consideration of cultural specifics when planning the social and cultural change in non-Western countries. The human-centered criteria for evaluation of culture and the concept of the cultural verticality-horizontality, based on the dimensions of Hofstede are offered. The comparison of national development indices of two countries - Russia and Canada- has shown that cultural verticality is a serious barrier for the further development of Russia, including the development of an innovative economy. In cross-national values comparisons, Russia appears to be closer in its value priorities to Post-Communist and Mediterranean countries. There is also a sizable value minority in Russia, which is typical for Western European countries, and these people might be a resource group for social advancement in Russia. In the conclusion possible ways of cultural modernisation of Russia from the point of human-centered approach are discussed.
The article examines partnerships for modernisation between Russia, on the one hand, and the EU as well as 23 out of its 28 member states, on the other hand. In doing that it first identifies the difference between the Russian economic interpretation of modernisation and the EU's one based on political values. The article then demonstrates the ambiguity rather than singularity of the position that EU member states promote in their modernisation partnerships with Russia. To illustrate the difference among EU member states’ the article designs a scale of Russia’s sensitivity to various political aspects of modernization and then posits member states on this scale on the basis of their national partnerships for modernisation with Russia. As a result, a new classification of EU member states emerges; it is based on the extent, to which they are ready to defend the political definition of modernisation (and ultimately the EU's normative power) in their relations with Russia.