СОВРЕМЕННЫЙ РУССКИЙ ЯЗЫК. ФОНЕТИКА. Учебник для бакалавриата и магистратуры
The data from several villages near the town of Opochka, Pskov region, which lie on Issa and Velikaya rivers, recorded in 2017 from seven women of older generation (1927-1957 years of birth) has been partly transcribed and used in the short description of Opochka dialects. In the article, the phonetic and morphological systems of Opochka dialects are described as well as some syntactic and morphosyntactic phenomena. The description is followed by two fragments of transcription of informants’ monologues.
The report gives a brief overview of the biggest challenges that teachers of English phonetics face nowadays and outlines some solutions that have been brought about by recent cutting-edge research in the field. The English language is a global phenomenon of the modern world, and this is why many such solutions are technology-driven, whereas the researchers hail from all over the world. The crucial task to deal with is raising awareness of the importance of phonetics as the cornerstone of all language learning and motivating people to study it, which could also increase the number of young researchers pushing the theory of phonetics forward and thus improving its practical teaching.
The article describes the realization of consonant clusters in external sandhi position in Modern Standard Russian that include so-called "unpronounced consonants" – dental occlusive obstruents that may be omitted in certain positions. The research shows that the realization of these clusters depends on the place of word juncture and that palatalized consonants tend to be omitted more regularly than the velarized.
The paper describes a phonetic experiment that dealt with the place assimilation of voiceless palatalized alveolar fricative /sj/ by following postalveolar alveo-palatal fricative /ɕ:/ at word boundaries in Modern Standard Russian. As the former sibilant is commonly described as geminated sound and Russian prohibits long consonants in positions near other consonants, the assimilation process can potentially lead to neutralization in such minimal pairs of word combinations as проявила щедрость ‘(she) showed generosity’ and проявилась щедрость ‘generosity showed itself’.
The participants of the experiment, 20 native Russian speakers (10 men and 10 women aged 18 to 40), were instructed to read a list of sentences that included 8 minimal pairs of target word combinations embedded in carrier phrases. All stimuli were recorded in intervocalic position; phrasal accent on stimuli was avoided; accent structure of the target word combinations was deliberately varied (clusters were recorded in all possible positions with regard to stressed and unstressed vowels).
All recordings were analyzed using computer software Praat. The duration and homogeneity of fricative noise were measured. Spectral analysis showed that in 78% of tokens place assimilation of sibilants at word boundaries was complete. The measurements of duration confirmed that this parameter could vary widely, mostly in connection with stress. The duration of [ɕ(:)] sounds within minimal pairs pronounced by the same speaker showed that in similar conditions in 95,5% of cases the sound representing the underlying /sj#ɕ:/ was longer than the surface representation of the underlying /#ɕ:/ (mean difference 34,9 ms; mean duration ratio 1,26).
In order to find out whether these durational differences can be used by native speakers to distinguish minimal pairs a perception experiment was conducted. 15 native speakers, students aged 17-19, were presented with 35 stimuli (word consequences recorded during the described above experiment, but removed from phrasal context; the duration of the fricative varied widely from 135 to 202 ms). The participants’ task was to write down what they think they heard. Their responses demonstrated that they could not reliably distinguish tokens with place assimilation of underlying /sj/ (the number of correct guesses was at a chance rate – 50,8%) and tokens without underlying /sj/ (the number of correct guesses was only slightly larger – 57,1%) despite the significant durational differences.
The described phenomenon can be interpreted as a case of incomplete neutralization. The experiments showed that the neutralization of /#ɕ:/ and /sj#ɕ:/ at word boundaries in Russian is phonetically incomplete due to the significant durational differences between the produced fricatives, although these acoustic cues were not used by native speakers in distinguishing minimal pairs.
The Ustja dialect belongs to the Vologda dialect group. The latter has a well documented realization of the etymological *ê as [i] between palatalized consonants, under stress. Among contemporary speakers, *ê in this context may be realized either as [i] (the dialectal variant) or as [e] (standard Russian). No speaker who only uses the dialectal variant has been recorded. The paper focuses on how particular wordforms and the speaker’s age correlate with the variation between the dialectal vs. standard realization.