State and Political Discourse in Russia
After decades of dominant Marxism-Leninism, the post-Soviet Russian political space offers a multiplicity of discourses associated with the contemprary state and its various organs - such as the party, the presidential administration, the burocracies and media - or with the different places of ideological production revealing plurality and fluidity within Russian political languages and evoking many of the neo-conservativist ideological constructs promoted by the Kremlin. The apparent demise of Russian notions of Liberalism, its polymorphism, the influence of the Soviet experience, perestroika, the effects of the turbulent 1990s, in addiction to the effect of Western thought and foreign policies on Russia's liberal ideas and expectations, determine the role of the remaining institutions and actors that promote political , economic, and constitutional liberalism and manifest an alternative discourse that, although weakened, is still credible.
The dominant political discourse in contemporary Russia is a reflection of both crucially important policy choices of the ruling regime as well as deep changes in attitudes, perceptions and self-perceptions among the ruling elites and other segments of the population. It appears that Russia’s unsuccessful, quartercentury long search for a post-Soviet national ethos and identity has reached an important milestone – a near consensus based on a particular worldview version of self-styled identity and a set of approved values.
An attempt of research of a ratio of the theory and practice in François Guizot scientific and public work is undertaken in this article. Guizot is the central figure of the French liberalism of the first half of the XIX century. The theory and practice of this thinker synthesized liberalism and conservatism.
Late in life, William F. Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin. Capitalism is "boring," said the founding father of the American right. "Devoting your life to it," as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious. It's like sex." With this unlikely conversation began Robin's decade-long foray into the conservative mind. What is conservatism, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, what excites them? Tracing conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution, Robin argues that the right is fundamentally inspired by a hostility to emancipating the lower orders. Some conservatives endorse the free market, others oppose it. Some criticize the state, others celebrate it. Underlying these differences is the impulse to defend power and privilege against movements demanding freedom and equality. Despite their opposition to these movements, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society--one that involves self-transformation, violence, and war. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention has been critical to their success. Written by a keen, highly regarded observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia, from John C. Calhoun to Ayn Rand. It advances the notion that all rightwing ideologies, from the eighteenth century through today, are historical improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, and trying to win it back.
The article introduce translation of John Rawls's research "The Law of Peoples". This lection was written in 1993 and has not been translated into Russian before. This article analyses the conception of international justice extended by Rawls considering its terminology, methodology and basic points. International justice is explored in correlation with rawlsian fundamental theory of justice. But through the special scope conception of international justice based on liberal values goes beyond liberal societies and gives a framework for transformation of international law and policy.
This article deals with the Russian philosopher and lawyer B.N. Chicherin, his views on human nature, its characteristics and purpose. Special attention is paid to liberty as inherent to a person. The author underlines the great importance of philosophic investigations for understanding the contemporary problems of Russia, the development and formation of Russian society.
This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of “left” and “right” political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey (2002–2003). It also compared the importance of personal values and sociodemographic variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socioeconomic level of three sets of countries—liberal, traditional, and postcommunist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in postcommunist countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than sociodemographic variables in liberal countries, more weakly in postcommunist countries, and about equally in traditional countries.
This book sheds new light on the continuing debate within political thought as to what constitutes power, and what distinguishes legitimate from illegitimate power. This book concludes by arguing that the Russian experience provides a useful lens through which ideas of power and legitimacy can be re-evaluated and re-interpreted, and through which the idea of “the West” as the ideal model can be questioned.
The article deals with the processes of building the information society and security in the CIS in accordance with modern conditions. The main objective is to review existing mechanisms for the formation of a common information space in the Eurasian region, regarded as one of the essential aspects of international integration. The theoretical significance of the work is to determine the main controls of the regional information infrastructure, improved by the development of communication features in a rapid process.The practical component consists in determining the future policies of the region under consideration in building the information society. The study authors used historical-descriptive approach and factual analysis of events having to do with drawing the contours of today's global information society in the regional refraction.
The main result is the fact that the development of information and communication technologies, and network resources leads to increased threats of destabilization of the socio-political situation in view of the emergence of multiple centers that generate the ideological and psychological background. Keeping focused information policy can not be conceived without the collective participation of States in the first place, members of the group leaders of integration - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Currently, only produced a comprehensive approach to security in the information field in the Eurasian region, but the events in the world, largely thanks to modern technology, make the search for an exit strategy with a much higher speed. The article contributes to the science of international relations, engaging in interdisciplinary thinking that is associated with a transition period in the development of society. A study of current conditions in their relation to the current socio-political patterns of the authors leads to conclusions about the need for cooperation with the network centers of power in the modern information environment, the formation of alternative models of networking, especially in innovation and scientific and technical areas of information policy, and expanding the integration of the field in this region on the information content.