The article contained the analysis of social stereotypes of Dagestan women revealed within the limits of studying of Euroasian world. Authors bring question of social representations and attitudes of Dagestan women in family-household, social and religious spheres of mass consciousness. The semantic space of social stereotypes is considered. The psychosemantic technique of plural identiﬁcation is used.
The aim of this article is to examine the features of the relationship of conservatism and postmodernism. The article identified as similar and antagonistic points of views of postmodernists and conservatives, analyzed the causes of these complex relationships. The author concludes, at the moment a complete synthesis of postmodernism and conservatism is unlikely, because obvious theoretical similarity blocked no less obvious political differences between conservative traditionalism and post-modern innovation.
A quarter of a century has passed since the Constitution of the Russian Federation was adopted in 1993, yet the issue of the results and the prospects for constitutional transformation has not disappeared from the political agenda. For some, the Constitution signifies an ultimate break up with the communist past and a legal foundation for the advancement of the Russian society toward democracy and the rule of law; for the others, it is exactly the Constitution that is the culprit for the authoritarian trend that has prevailed, and for the sustained stagnation in Russia’s economic, social and political development. The author of this paper is in the middle of these extreme viewpoints. He believes that the Constitution has truly played a pivotal role in Russia’s move toward democracy by establishing the basic principles of civil society and the rule of law, and in this respect, it remains of everlasting and paramount importance. Nevertheless, that does not mean that it should be utterly inaccessible for changes, especially given the elapsed time and the negative experience of the authoritarian transformation of the political regime, the amendments that were introduced between 2008 and 2014, and the current objectives of the democratic movement. The rationale for changes is to return to the constitutional principles, reaffirm their initial democratic meaning by rejecting the excessive concentration of the Presidential power, the results of counter-reforms and the adulteration through legislative and regulatory compliance practices. Some of the proposed remedies aim to establish a new form of government (Presidential - Parliamentary), which would necessitate Constitutional amendments – adjustments that would regulate the separation of powers and redistribution of authority. Others seek to transform the system without changing the text of the Constitution through legislative reforms, judicial interpretation and the policy of law. Yet, the third approach prioritizes institutional reforms. Not everything in social development depends on the provisions of the law, political improvisation and practice can prove just as critical.In their cumulative entirety such initiatives can help avoid the two extremes: that of constitutional stagnation gravitating toward the bureaucratic asphyxiation, and that of constitutional populism which has a tendency to destabilize the political system. In its practical activities to transform the political regime, the opposition ought to remember the maximum repeatedly confirmed by experience, – the further a party is from power, the more radical tend to be its constitutional proposals. Conversely, empowered groups tend to be more moderate in their initiatives. In Post Scriptum, the author analyses the whole bulk of the constitutional amendments proposed by the Russian President at the beginning of the year 2020 in order to understand their impact and potential influence on transformation of the established Russian constitutional and political system.
The current debate on Internet-Constitution is the reflection of both the development of competition between main stakeholders and the growing social demand for the legal regulation in the area of web communications. In order for the Internet-law to function effectively it has to be legitimate i.e. it must be fair in the eyes of the public. This requires that: firstly, the aims behind the Internet-law conform with the sense of public morality; secondly, it be implemented in an impartial manner; and, thirdly, that it be applied efficiently by the system of independent mediating institutes. Thus the crucial questions about sustainability of Internet-constitution should be formulated in the following way: how new “social contract” could be adopted in order to create a stable framework for the direct (on-line) or indirect (off-line) information exchange, the accumulation of reliable information, to ensure human rights protection and the transparent international legal control over the whole process of information production, exchange and distribution, and the implementation of comparable legal and technical criteria for its evaluation made by independent and professional experts. According author’s view this constitution-based approach to Internet- rules creation provides the possibility to rethink the bulk of the fundamental legal grounds of the whole Internet project as well as the criteria for the virtual state concept and e-government strategy evaluation – legal framework, hard and soft law methods of normative and administrative regulation, technical innovations implementation and the calculation of social consequences of their use.
The Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution (1977) on the guiding role of the Communist party appeared to be the sole one which totally corresponded to the social reality of the so-called “developed socialism”. Why this article was elaborated and which were political targets and ambiguous historical results of its adoption in the system of nominal constitutionalism? To answer this question the author, using new archival documents of the Constitutional Commission of the Supreme Soviet, reconstructs the logic and phases of political debates and constitutional initiatives at the last stage of the Soviet regime.
The article is aimed at positioning the concept of social liberalism in a broader framework of the liberal tradition. Reception of this tradition in modern Russia was of a very limited character. The impact of liberalism has been limited mainly to elaboration of economic policy. The concept of social liberalism can potentially contribute to the enrichment of the liberal tradition in Russia. However, there are serious obstacles to the reception of liberalism. Analysis of the methodological foundations of the concept of social liberalism allows to reveal some of them.