The aim of this article is to examine the features of the relationship of conservatism and postmodernism. The article identified as similar and antagonistic points of views of postmodernists and conservatives, analyzed the causes of these complex relationships. The author concludes, at the moment a complete synthesis of postmodernism and conservatism is unlikely, because obvious theoretical similarity blocked no less obvious political differences between conservative traditionalism and post-modern innovation.
The current debate on Internet-Constitution is the reflection of both the development of competition between main stakeholders and the growing social demand for the legal regulation in the area of web communications. In order for the Internet-law to function effectively it has to be legitimate i.e. it must be fair in the eyes of the public. This requires that: firstly, the aims behind the Internet-law conform with the sense of public morality; secondly, it be implemented in an impartial manner; and, thirdly, that it be applied efficiently by the system of independent mediating institutes. Thus the crucial questions about sustainability of Internet-constitution should be formulated in the following way: how new “social contract” could be adopted in order to create a stable framework for the direct (on-line) or indirect (off-line) information exchange, the accumulation of reliable information, to ensure human rights protection and the transparent international legal control over the whole process of information production, exchange and distribution, and the implementation of comparable legal and technical criteria for its evaluation made by independent and professional experts. According author’s view this constitution-based approach to Internet- rules creation provides the possibility to rethink the bulk of the fundamental legal grounds of the whole Internet project as well as the criteria for the virtual state concept and e-government strategy evaluation – legal framework, hard and soft law methods of normative and administrative regulation, technical innovations implementation and the calculation of social consequences of their use.
The Article 6 of the Soviet Constitution (1977) on the guiding role of the Communist party appeared to be the sole one which totally corresponded to the social reality of the so-called “developed socialism”. Why this article was elaborated and which were political targets and ambiguous historical results of its adoption in the system of nominal constitutionalism? To answer this question the author, using new archival documents of the Constitutional Commission of the Supreme Soviet, reconstructs the logic and phases of political debates and constitutional initiatives at the last stage of the Soviet regime.
The article is aimed at positioning the concept of social liberalism in a broader framework of the liberal tradition. Reception of this tradition in modern Russia was of a very limited character. The impact of liberalism has been limited mainly to elaboration of economic policy. The concept of social liberalism can potentially contribute to the enrichment of the liberal tradition in Russia. However, there are serious obstacles to the reception of liberalism. Analysis of the methodological foundations of the concept of social liberalism allows to reveal some of them.
In article discusses necessity of a recognition of human advantage as a high humanitarian value, and also discovers the problem of search of the constitutionally-legal maintenance of the concept. The idea of working out of a special index which helps making possible to carry out monitoring of degree of protection of human advantage in the different countries is put forward.
The artickl deals with the short-term and medium-term perspectives of the new political regime, which started to develop after president Medvedev came to power in 2008. New qualities, which the new president and the prime-minister acquired in the two-centered system, are analyzed. According to the author, the political reforms of 2008-2009 correspond to the model of "imposed transition", which informed the whole Post-Soviet political development. Man trends of the current stage of political transformation, i.e. the deconcentration at the "highest levels" of power, the differenciation of the consolidated political system, the emergence of the "political cartel" (predominant party + "niche parties") are analyzed in detail.
The article is devoted to estimation of the impact of cultural diversity on economic growth in the Russian regions in the framework of the neoclassical theory of economic growth. The model developed by R.Barro and X.Sala-i-Martin, called β-convergence, was used as a theoretical basis for the study. The main finding is that cultural diversity has an impact on economic growth but the focuses on the regions with higher population density and regions with small populations give controversial results. So, in general, ethnic fragmentation of society is insignificant factor for income convergence of the regions, but in regions with a low number of economically active population it is a negative factor for economic growth. Generally, diversity of the population by region of origin, generated by internal migration, is a significant positive factor for the convergence of regions, but it happens at the expense of the regions with a high population density. A similar pattern is observed with the impact of diversity by country of origin generated by international migration. Religious diversity has a statistically significant impact on the income growth rate only in regions with a small number of economically active population, and it is negative.