The aim of this paper is analysis and synthesis of methodological approaches in research on national identity change. In result of literature analysis, this paper outlines methodological approaches that allow tracing of national identity change. These approaches are classified as broad and narrow ones. Broad methodological approaches encompass analytical and discursive approaches. Narrow approaches include sociological methods and the study of components of national identity: representation of significant Other, representations of the past and threat construction. The author concludes that the study of national identity transformation requires a set of complementary approaches, as even when society experiences a conflict, a drastic and long-term change of national identity that would touch upon multiple realms of society is not guaranteed. Sociological methods of identity research capture national identity shift. Yet, they fail to reveal an array of complex interrelationships between identity elements which are particularly relevant for population with mixed identities. Discursive approaches are more appropriate when analyzing the change in meaning construction. In International Relations, where national identity considered to be a factor that affects state behavior, there is a need to develop methodological approaches for research of hegemonic identity. Discursive construction of threat and metha- analysis of literature on national identity change in the post-soviet space are potentially interesting for future research. These would be valuable and timely studies in a changing regional context.
Evaluation of the sub-national level democracy in the context of the postcommunist transition calls for tools relevant to this specific case. In the article a new index is suggested for evaluating democratic and authoritarian trends in postcommunist Russia at the sub-national level; N. Petrov’s hypothesis about partial democratization in authoritarian regions during early 2000s is verified. The article presents the index structure, its theoretical argumentation (concepts of R. Dahl, T. Vanhanen, G. Almond and S. Verba, A. Hirschman), methods of calculation, and general results and conclusions for the period from 1997 to 2015. Prospects and limitations of the democracy index proposed are discussed through the example of Ukraine.
The problem of party system institutionalisation measurement has been widely investigated by various scholars. In this paper, I suggest one more criteria of party system institutionalisation measurement based on the estimation of stability of electoral support and voting geography of permanent parties within party systems. I argue that the quality of party support stability serves a good indicator of a party performance and highlights the level of loyalty of a party’s electorate. The more loyal electoral support of permanent parties within party systems the more institutionalized party systems. The more the share of electoral support of permanent parties within the number of total support of parties the more institutionalized the party. The methodology is tested on ten EU countries.
The article provides a theoretical review of institutional inertia and the conditions for its emergence through the example of Russian social policy. Although the process of inertia is natural, research debates concerning its reasons are still ongoing. The review systematizes the approaches to the notion of institutional inertia and the conditions for its occurrence. In the first part, the description and interrelation of the concepts of institutional inertia and ‘path dependence’ are presented. Then, approaches to the notion of modernization, changes in public values, the context of authoritarian modernization, and interest groups are described. In conclusion, the author offers positive and negative explanations for the emergence of institutional inertia in Russia’s social policy. The positive assumption justifies inertia with the necessity to partially resolve or postpone the solution of the problem, due to the lack of successful and elaborate solutions on certain issues. The negative explanation justifies the unwillingness of state authorities, elites and interest groups to redistribute economic resources and to improve institutions to solve problems.
Coalitions are the most widespread form of government in European parliamentary systems. Coalition building is a complex process which conditions are defined by formal and informal institutions dominating in a state. In the corridor of opportunity created by “the rules of the game” parties play as rational actors whose efforts finally result in emergence of a new coalition. Understanding the logic of the process allows to forecast the projects of future coalitions directly after the elections. This paper validates the elaboration of an integrated multiple-approach model explaining coalition building in Germany.
The discursive reality of Brexit had its effects on the discourse of the British Conservative Party which is important as the latter plays a key role in the process of making political decisions. The article discusses the components of the British national identity linked with the UK's membership in the European Union and Brexit as a political process. The UK's case is unique as it allows us to trace the identity transformation during the process of withdrawal from this integration group. The author chooses the constructivist approach and post-positivist discourse analysis as the main method. The paper studies the speeches of conservative politicians and parliamentary debates to analyze the changes in the discourse of the Conservative Party during the terms of the UK’s last three prime ministers. The discursive layers are highlighted: basic concepts, basic political orientations and extratextual ideological constructions used by conservative politicians to construct reality. The author traces the transformation of ideological constructions of the conservative party's discourse and consecutive changes in the significance of individual elements of the British national identity in the discourse. The paper examines relations between British and European identities, between the images of Britain and the EU in the discourse of British conservatives.
The paper analyzes two aspects connected with the development of respect for human rights: the process of promoting human rights in contemporary Russia and academic discussions on the idea of their universality. Based on the first approach, the author analyzes changes in the attitude of the Russian government and society to the conception of human rights, including the evolution of human rights education and the development of such a national institute of human rights as the Ombudsman institution. The paper demonstrates a noticeable shift from civic education based on human rights priorities to the patriotic training of a citizen loyal to any activities of officials. The efforts of NGOs are in opposition to this trend, but NGOs themselves need protection. Accordingly, the interest of Russian political scholars in human rights issues is diminishing. A brief analysis of academic discussions demonstrates growing doubts about the universality of the conception of human rights in Russian publications and the absence of such doubts in international publications. There is gradually developing a new self-sustained field of research in human rights, less connected with jurisprudence, political science, sociology, etc., which may result in the ‘tension of notions’ described by Giovanni Sartori. The development of such an interdisciplinary scientific field as political science of law or jurisprudence political science is proposed as an answer to this dangerous trend.
Article is devoted to studying of the key moment for formation of liberal democracy. From the point of view of the author, that is adoption of Christianity by Rome as the state religion. The author analyzes a retrospective of relationship of the empire as forms of political education (institutional system) and Christianity as means of legitimization of the power (valuable system). Christianity has the institute of church which is alternative institutional system. The coexistence of the empire and Christianity led to emergence political autonomism, which generated new forms of political formations. New form created new valuable system for his legitimization (began to use the public contract), which transformed a source of the sacral – from the governor and god to the people.
This study aims to determine the added value of agent-based modeling (ABM) to the methodological toolkit of political science and to empirically demonstrate the advantages of this approach for modeling socio-political processes. In the first section of the article, the author examines the construction of theoretical models for the study of socio-political processes and describes the stages of formalization of verbal theoretical models. The second section is devoted to the core differences between agent-based modeling and other formal modeling approaches. In the third section, to empirically illustrate the merits of ABM for modeling socio-political processes, the author constructs an experimental model based on the assumptions of the classical theory by E. Downs (1957) on party competition and the median voter. The testable assumption is that voting for moderate parties reduces the polarization of the party system. The results of the ABM demonstrate that with the addition of dynamics and extra information about the strategies of the main players, the assumption of the verbal model that a dislocated distribution in favor of moderate parties has a negative effect on polarization is not valid. ABM has shown a positive correlation between dislocated party identification of voters and extreme disposition of non-moderate parties: non-moderate parties lose votes, which leads to a decrease in polarization, but at the same time, they position themselves more extreme in relation to the ideological dimension, which increases polarization.
In this article the author examines the metamorphosis as a source of power. The power is perfect to the extent to which it can be filled with energy from different sources. Drawing parallels with Charles Perrault fairy tale "Puss in Boots" and the real politics, the author discusses how the metamorphosis may be, on the one hand - an important source of power, but on the other hand - and a political legitimacy of power specific technology.
According to the current concept of foreign policy of the Russian Federation, soft power should take an important place in the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation. Meanwhile, at the present stage, thinking, both Russian political circles that adopt foreign policy decisions, and the Russian expert-scientific community's views on the soft influence in international relations, contain a number of conceptual flaws. These flaws do not allow an objective and relevant analysis of the possibility and prospects for the soft influence of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Proceeding from this, the article offers a genealogical analysis of the two most successful forms of soft influence - "soft power", which is a significant tool for pursuing US foreign policy and the "normative force of Europe," in which most of the foreign policy directions of the European Union are implemented. The analysis proposed in the article allows, firstly, identify the conceptual structure of both studied forms of soft power, and secondly, to compare these structures, which allows us to affirm the fundamental, quality genealogical uniqueness of each of the two forms of soft power in contemporary international relations. In addition, the analysis allows for a more conceptual approach to the problem of the possibility of Russia's soft influence, as well as to abandon the popular research focus on financing the soft influence of one or another participant in international relations.
The topicality of the research is explained by the growing popularity of social networks as a channel of political communication. Modern elements of intertextuality, such as hashtags, retweets, @ sign, ensure participation of a large number of users in the discussion of certain political topics, and allow to quickly track public's reaction to political events. Employing the methods of computer linguistics, the paper analyzes the elements of intertextuality implemented on Twitter as reaction of users of the English-language segment to the introduction of the US President Decree No. 13769, known in the media space as "travel ban". The study found that the most popular element of intertextuality is the hashtag, which is actively used by users to popularize the opinion and involve a wide range of people into discussion. In addition, thematic grouping of hashtags allowed us to identify the opposite reactions of users, and to assume that it is possible to control the route of the debate with the help of hashtags. To attract attention of the maximum number of users, hashtags must also be single-component and act as the subject, marking the topic of the message.
In political science, there is a widely shared opinion that quasi-democratic elements of hybrid regimes are at best a mere facade. The paper presents a theoretical alternative that demonstrates a conceptual possibility for the public to influence the policy process in Russia’s regions. The author starts with analyzing the key features of the policy process in hybrid regimes in general and reveals the potential ways for citizens to influence this process, both direct and indirect. Then the author focuses on the regional level of government, since it is where the very implementation of policies takes place. Having studied the model of relations between the federal center and regional governments, the author concludes that public influence on the policy process is possible provided that the benefits from electoral manipulations for regional elites are higher than their costs. A number of circumstances that make the realization of citizens’ influence more likely are suggested: the appointment of the governor by the president, the lack of free resources in the region, a relatively stable level of greater openness of the political system compared to other regions, and substantial public attention to the policy issue.
In the 1990s, Russian federalism was the pride of Russian reforms, a convincing proof of the irreversibility of democratization. Today, only the formal shells of federal institutions remain. However, the lessons of Russian federalism have greatly enriched research on comparative federalism: for the first time, a country of such territorial scale and diversity consciously built federal relations, while in the conditions of an extremely unfavorable heritage, the presence of an ethnic "component" and pronounced asymmetries. The Russian case showed that federalism significantly complicates the transition to democracy if democratic and federal insti-tution-building develop simultaneously. In addition, the case of Russia once again confirmed that federalism could not survive without being supported by other institutions; a necessary condition for the survival of fed-eralism is the development of democratic competition in the direction of strengthening the role of political parties interested in federalism. The lessons of the 90s in Russia may prove useful both to other countries that have chosen federalism and to Russia itself, since any significant reforms will inevitably lead to a change in the nature of relations between the center and the regions.
The study analyzed the coverage of candidates for the Russian presidential election in 2018. We selected the month preceding the voting day as the analysis period, since election campaign was most active at this time. The participants of the pre-election race received uneven attention from the media. Putin was much more often than other candidates mentioned in both blog posts and in federal print media, and often appeared in media reports in the main role. The candidates, excluding Grudinin, were mostly covered positively or neutral. In case of Grudinin negatively colored articles prevailed over positive news. However, the coverage of the candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can hardly be called unfavorable, since he often appeared on the news in the main role and was mentioned separately from the rest of the candidates, and not in the general list of participants in the race. Sobchak is more often mentioned separately from other candidates in blogs, and Zhirinovsky, on the contrary, in the press. Candidates with fewer votes are less likely to be discussed in the media. In addition, the candidates-outsiders are highlighted mainly in articles containing references to other elections participants. An analysis of joint mentions of candidates in the press shows that Putin is the main opponent for the four participants in the election. Grudinin was the main opponent for Putin and Suraykin. While the candidates who did not get to the top half of the list of voting results, were not the main opponents for any of the participants in the race. We can assume that the candidates-outsiders preferred to attack the leader, and not each other.