The article deals with the so-called counter-sanctions (the ban on the import of most types of food from the US, EU countries and a number of other countries), introduced by Russia in 2014 in response to Western sanctions, their consequences and the reaction of the population to them. An accelerated rise in prices for analogues of goods banned for import, deterioration of their quality was noted. At the same time, a clear majority of the population of Russia supports the ban on import. In the article this fact is explained by a complex of national grandeur (“statehood”) as components of the national mentality that makes up the institutional core of the social order. In support of this conclusion, there are data from numerous sociological surveys, national elections, and presidential ratings. On the basis of the Caplan’s model of irrational behavior of the voter, it is shown that the demand for irrational behavior is limited by the costs (welfare losses) resulting from it. To effectively limit this demand, they must constantly increase. Otherwise, negative feelings from them are weakened and the demand for irrational behavior remains high. As a result, the stabilization of damage from counter-sanctions ensures their support by the population.
The article presents the results of a cross-country comparative analysis of the performance of the police, courts, and prisons in the countries of the former USSR and Eastern Europe. The criminal justice system is analyzed in the context of socio-economic development. The authors used a number of international datasets to build a typology of 57 countries, where 18 are countries of the former USSR and Eastern Europe. The typology includes four types of countries with significantly different levels of performance of criminal justice systems, crime and the degree of socio-economic development.
The author in detail states S. Kordonskii's believing concept that specifi city of the Russian economy consists in domination in it of the estate beginning. It is mainly resource economy. A main objective of its subjects - struggle for an estate rent. Such design is characteristic both for Soviet and the Post-Soviet social and economic device.
The collapse of the USSR, transition to market economy and structural changes in society had given start to the family and marriage transformation in Russia and post-soviet countries of Eastern Europe. Estonia is one of the examples of rapid deinstitutionalization of marriage, widespread of cohabitations and nonmarital births. At the same time, since first post-war decades Estonia accepted the Russian migrants throughout a long time. Research shows that adaptation of the Russian population in Estonia has proceeded slowly, and patterns of matrimonial behavior of the Russian migrants and their descendants in Estonia tend to be closer to base patterns of ethnical Russians observed in Russia. In this article the UN ECE ‘Generations and Gender’ Survey data were used to estimate and compare fertility behavior among the Russian and Estonian population in Estonia and Russians in Russia. Our results show the significant changes in reproductive behavior among Estonians and Russians in Estonia, but the probabilities of first births among Russians in Russia are stable across generations. The probabilities of second births were increasing from one generation to other among Estonians women, but contrary, decreased among Russians both in Estonia and Russia. The contribution of births in high-order unions to total number of births significantly sincreased both among Estonians and Russian population in Russia, as well as among Russian migrants in Estonia. At the same time, the reproductive behavior of Russians in Estonia has common features with behavior of the Russian population in Russia: the share of births in the unregistered unions is less, and length of the time interval between the first and second births in the continuous union is bigger, than for Estonians. However, there are signs of some changes in reproductive behavior among Russians in Estonia born after 1970.
This paper examines the similarities and differences between the relationships of ‘own’ cultural and ‘other’ cultural identities on the one hand and acculturation strategies of integration and assimilation on another hand among representatives of three generations of Russians and Ossetians, living in RNO-A. The sample included 109 grandparent-parent-adolescent triads from ethnic Russian families and 106 triads from ethnic Ossetian families (N=645). In the Russian sample we found the negative impact of ‘own’ cultural identity (Russian) on the assimilation strategy and a positive impact of ‘other’ cultural identity (Caucasian) on the integration strategy in all three generations. Among Ossetians we did not reveal any clear influence of their ‘own’ cultural identity (Ossetian) on acculturation expectations in all three generations. ‘Other’ cultural identity (Russian) of Ossetian grandparents and adolescents positively influences the acculturation expectation ‘multiculturalism’. In adolescents sample (unlike grandparents and parents) this identity also has a positive impact on the acculturation expectation ‘melting pot’. ‘Own’ cultural identity of Ossetian parents and adolescents positively influences the acculturation expectation ‘multiculturalism’. For Ossetian parents (unlike for grandparents and adolescents) their ‘own’ cultural identity negatively affects the acculturation expectation ’melting pot’. In both ethnic groups ‘own’ cultural identities promote maintainance of ‘own’ culture, and ‘other’ cultural identities help to adopt successfully in multicultural society. These results require additional verification in studies with other samples.
The article examines the impact of culture on the formation of institutions of political democracy in transitional societies. Special attention is paid to the negative influence of authoritarian syndrome on the democratization process, to the conditions of activation of the authoritarian syndrome and ways to overcome it.
The Russian Law community is analyzed to evaluate its potential for collective action under imperfect institutional environment: joint activity to monitor compliance with professional ethics, quality of legal education, representing the interests of professional groups at the state level.
The paper focuses on debates about Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), which have unfolded in Russian print media. The authors highlight the initial arguments of supporters and opponents to this accession, the particular ways in which they were presented in media, and the differences in standpoints of business, authority and expert communities. They further analyze changes in the content of this discussionand and its discursive space after Russia's succession.
In the Russian political, analytical and scientific publications and presentations the future of the country is described mainly in the framework of the "great country" paradigm. Meanwhile, this paradigm displays the prospects of Russia in the world in purely virtual realities. Analysis of the resource potential of the country suggest that over the next decade, Russia is likely to lose its status of a great power. The best possible future of real country's position in the world system is that of a regional power remaining within the current borders and comfortable enough for the lives of its citizens. But this option in Russian forecasts is hardly discussed.
In the second part of the article (sec "ONS", 2014, N 4) the problems of building soft power,
which put restrictions on the possibilities of implementation great power projects are analyzed.