The article looks at the civil service as an occupation from the neo- Weberian perspective aiming to analyze specifics of the professionalization of the bureaucrats. Based on the results of the semi-structural interviews with Russian civil servants a conclusion was made that as far as civil service as an occupation exists only within the federal and regional government bodies in Russia, this limitation makes it difficult for civil servants to form professional associations to provide professional autonomy, to restrain practices of social closure thus complicating emergence of a positive image of the profession.

The article analizes the caracteristics of identity and consumation of the middle class, its profesional composition and lifestyles

Noticeable transitions in the models of consumer decision-making have been observed in the developed countries over the past 20 -30 years. Consumers “vote with their money” against unseemly business practices which cause sufficient damage to the environment, people and animals. Gradually innovative consumer practices are evolving in the less developed countries. This paper for the first time presents a data analysis examining the positions of several key actors in the development of new consumer practices in Russia: citizens, NGOs, businesses and government. Based on the analysis of drivers and barriers that affect the involvement of Russians in the new consumer practices and drawing on the research of views held by other institutional actors regarding the place and direction of relevant activity of their group and co-actor groups, the paper identifies divergences in the social mechanism associated with fostering innovative consumer practices and maps out ways to reduce them

The mortality rates from homicides and suicides, which serve as an indicator of the psychological well-being and the value of life in society, show a steady decline after the 2000s in Russia. However, another block of causes of death, event of undetermined intent shows the same rapid growth and since 2014 already exceeds the cumulative death rate from homicides and suicides. Researchers believe this block of causes is a reservoir of latent homicides and suicides. As a result, actual data on homicides and suicides are underestimated. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that regional practices of coding the causes of death can largely deform the structure of mortality, which is why the ordinary proportional redistribution of event of undetermined intent within the class “External causes of morbidity and mortality” ICD-10 is not enough. The purpose of this paper is to estimate the actual death rates from homicides and suicides using a model region in which the proportion of event of undetermined intent is minimal. Three options for solving this problem are proposed. The suicide rate increased by 30% regardless of the hypothesis. At the same time, the level of homicides and accidents increased most significantly under the third hypothesis, when all cases of events of undetermined intent were redistributed – there was an increase of 30% compared to 15–20% for the first hypothesis. Assessment for regions, depending on the accepted hypothesis of redistribution of events of undetermined intent, showed differences, demonstrating an underestimation of specific causes of death. In some regions, ill-defined causes are used mainly to hide deaths from suicide (for example, Astrakhan, Samara, Sakhalin and Samara regions, as well as Tuva), and in other regions to conceal homicides (Orel and Vologda regions, Bashkortostan).

The article analyzes modern trends of Russian patriotism, which are considered from the point of view of the global context of patriotic education, civic education and nation-building. The author cites the all-Russia polls, as well as the results of the sixth wave of World Value Survey (2010-2014). She also demonstrates the results of the empirical research conducted by the method of content analysis using ATLAS.ti. The research covers eight strategic documents of patriotic education of the United States, Singapore, China and Russia. Key findings from the study are as follows. (1) The abrupt nature of the Russian patriotism shows that external events play a major role in its formation rather than public policy. The consolidation of the Russian society is not realized through the cultivation of positive patriotic values, but on the basis of negative factors. Their influence can only lead to a blind, but not to the constructive patriotism. (2) Russian program documents demonstrate the emphasis on a militarist bias of patriotic education, and this is the evidence of a blurring legal and theoretical basis of formation of patriotism in Russia. Patriotic education cannot exist for its own sake. Also, it cannot only develop the emotional component of state identity. This prevents the formation of constructive patriotism and involves cultivating such qualities as unconditional love for the homeland, convinced devotion to public authorities, unquestioning positive evaluation of the government structures, and the rejection of critical evaluation, readiness to defend the state up to the sacrifice. (3) There is a need to harmonize the “official” definition of patriotism with the concepts of civic education and nation-building. Patriotism can be regarded as love of country, devotion to the state, which is expressed in the knowledge of the historical and contemporary achievements of the country, the free support of spiritual and moral values, the manifestation of citizenship based on the active participation in the activities of civil society, constructive criticism of the government and express their point view. Such definition of patriotism integrates emotional relationship of the citizen to the country, the state, civil and national identity. It emphasizes the importance of the traditions and values, and creates a construct of active and free of social behavior without infringing alternative values, traditions and attitudes that exist in the world. 

The article represents the results of a study of new youth solidarities based of the research of the “Polit-gramota”. The club is analyzed as an alternative public space of young people that provides the members with opportunities for professional socialization as politicians, journalists and activists. It also can be viewed as a collective strategy of overcoming the barriers on the entry to the ‘adult’ politics and journalism. By creating this alternative space the ‘Polit-gramota’ members reinterpret the traditional political institutions and make the voice of the youth be heard, whereas in the dominating discourse young people are not actively represented and are viewed as a passive subject of policies.