The Russian elite have realized that the country will have to live in a new reality that differs from the past rosy dreams of integration with the West, while preserving its independence and sovereignty. Yet they have not yet used the confrontation and the growth of patriotism for an economic revival.
2015 political transformation in Russia is analyzed in terms of transition from soft authoritarianism to tougher one, and from corporativist-oligarchic regime to personalistic one. Basic features of authoritarianism are used to analyze the recent political development.
This paper considers the consequences of public procurement reform in Russia in 2005-2006. We show that before the reform, manufacturing firms with government stakes, old firms and larger firms had advantages in access to government orders. In 2009 large firms retain their advantages in access to government orders. Estimated scales of ‘kickback’ in 2009 were virtually the same in 2005. Active restructuring of the enterprises had no influence on the enterprises’ access to government orders. We discuss the reason for this failure of the radical reform of public procurement in Russia, and provide some policy implications.
This article presents the results of a study on the relationship of acculturation profiles of Russian-speaking immigrants in Belgium, the duration of their stay, and their socio-economic adaptation. The data came from a socio-psychological survey of 132 Russian-speaking immigrants in Belgium (first generation) and were processed using latent profile analysis. We found three latent groups with differing acculturation profiles, largely resembling integration, assimilation, and separation. We found that a more positive orientation towards the host society (assimilation and integration) was associated with more socio-economic adaptation; moreover, the group with an assimilation profile was more adapted than the group with an integration profile. Also, the level of socio-economic adaptation was higher for immigrants who have stayed in the host country for more than five years.
While it is widely admitted that Afghanistan can contribute to connectivity in Eurasia, one may not also deny that Afghanistan’s regional role is dependent on regional conditions. This article takes Afghanistan’s security and geostrategic trends in Eurasia as the two major variables, defining conditions for Afghanistan’s regional role. They are reviewed and then synthesized as dependent and independent variable to form taxonomy of possible regional roles for Afghanistan.
The evolution of the Afroeurasian world-system which in the ‘long 16th century’ was transformed into the global World System comprised both economic and political components, some of which are discussed in the present article. Earlier research has identified four major zones of instability which can be designated as the Central Asian (including Afghanistan and Pakistan), the Middle East, North Africa, and the Sahel region. We suggest considering these four zones as a single Afrasian macrozone of instability. We show that this zone correlates rather closely with the zone of traditional prevalence of the parallel cousin marriage, as well as with the zone of very low female labor force participation rate, and the territory of the Umayyad Califate. The article demonstrates that this correlation is not coincidental and also discusses the factors and mechanisms that have produced it.
The formation of the Afroeurasian world-system was one of the crucial points of social evolution, starting from which the social evolution rate and effectiveness increased dramatically. In the present article we analyze processes and scales of global integration in historical perspective, starting with the Agrarian Revolution. We connect the main phases of historical globalization with the processes of the development of the Afroeurasian world-system. In the framework of the Afroeurasian world-system the integration began a few thousand years BCE. In this world-system the continental and supracontinental links became rather developed long before the Great Geographic Discoveries and thus, they could quite be denoted as global (albeit in a somehow limited sense). As some researchers are still inclined to underestimate the scale of those links in the pre-Industrial era, it appears necessary to provide additional empirical support for our statement. It also turns necessary to apply a special methodology (which necessitated the use of the world-system approach). We analyze some versions of periodization of globalization history. We also propose our own periodization of globalization history using as its basis the growing scale of intersocietal links as an indicator of the level of globalization development.
This article analyzes the political reasons for Russia's failure to define and implement a coherent regional policy during the 2000s. Combining Jonh Kingdon's "multiple framework" and empirical evidence from Russian regional policy, I conclude that the failure resulted from the inability and administratively and politically weak reformers to resist top officials who consider regional development a secondary priority and pressure groups that are interested in the maintaining the status quo.
Brief analysis of some of the most important problems and trends in Russia’s social-political development, including its regional dimension. If the government is smart, it can adjust to objective realities, for example, by reversing the “Center-Regions” pendulum swing toward the regions, and maximizing its benefits. A less smart government would try to resist objective processes and, like a miser, would end up paying twice, if only there is something left in the treasury to pay. If not, another government will come to replace the one currently in power.
Although conflict representation in media has been widely studied, few attempts have been made to perform large-scale comparisons of agendas in the media of conflicting parties, especially for armed country-level confrontations. In this paper, we introduce quantitative evidence of agenda divergence between the media of conflicting parties in the course of the Ukrainian crisis 2013–2014. Using 45,000 messages from the online newsfeeds of a Russian and a Ukrainian TV channels, we perform topic modeling coupled with qualitative analysis to reveal crisis-related topics, assess their salience and map evolution of attention of both channels to each of those topics. We find that the two channels produce fundamentally different agenda sequences. Based on the Ukrainian case, we offer a typology of conflict media coverage stages.
We study Krugman's core–periphery (CP) model for most general cases of nonidentical regions and fully characterize instant and long-run equilibria. Assuming immobility of labor, we describe the behavior of equilibrium wages/real wages. Moreover, the relative wages/real wages of industrial workers can both increase and decrease with the population with which they are associated. Under the assumption of industrial labor mobility, possible patterns of economic evolution, as responses to trade freeness, are fully described. We show that in the case of noticeable agricultural asymmetry, all mobile labor inevitably accumulates in countries with larger agricultural populations.
Abstract The role of genes in the expression of aggression and masculinity traits in humans has been a focus of recent behavioral genetic studies. This is the first study on the variation in aggression, the digit ratio (the ratio between the second and the fourth digits, 2D:4D), the directional asymmetry in 2D:4D (DR-L) and polymorphisms of the AR, DRD4, and 5-HTTL genes in simple hunter-gatherers, namely the Hadza of Tanzania (142 adult men). The distribution of AR, DRD4E3, and 5-HTTLPR genotypes and allele frequencies in Hadza was compared to other African populations on which the data were available. Hadza and Ariaal differed significantly in the distributions of frequencies of AR alleles with different numbers of CAG repeats. Hadza population was similar to other African populations in the distribution of allelic frequencies of the DRD4E3 locus, and to Afro- Americans in the distribution of allelic types of the 5- HTTLPR locus. We found no influence of AR gene on the right hand 2D:4D ratio,DR-L, and any of aggression subscales of the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire (AQ). Although, a weak positive correlation between CAG repeats and the left hand 2D:4Dwas found. The multiple regression analysis with digit ratios, DR-L and aggression subscales of AQ as dependent variables and the three gene candidates (AR, DRD4E3, and 5-HTTLPR) as independent variables revealed the following: men with lower number of CAG repeats had significantly lower left hand2D:4D ratio;men with highernumbers of 48-bp unit copies in exon 3 of a VNTR polymorphism in the DRD4 gene had significantly lower digit ratios on both hands; no effect of the 5-HTTLPR gene on either the digit ratio or aggressive behavior. These findings demonstrate the complexity of gene effects on digit ratios and aggression and call for simultaneous analysis of more candidate genes. It is noteworthy that these results were obtained for a human population that is still practicing foraging and has been subjected to a high selective pressure due to harsh environments and practically has no access to modern medical care. Hadza are highly egalitarian, and their culture does not favor persons with a dominant or aggressive behavior. It is still to be found to what extent the relationships observed in this study are similar to those in other human populations.
This review essay focuses on the new monograph by S. A. Smith Russia in Revolution: An Empire in Crisis, 1890 to 1928 (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2017). As a leading expert in the social history of the Russian Revolution of 1917, Smith provides a comprehensive political, social, and cultural narrative of one of the central events in the global history of the twentieth century. Directed at a general readership, the book offers an excellent overview of existing Russian and Western scholarship, outlines the main course of events, introduces most important actors, and contains thought-provoking conclusions about the revolution. As seen from the title, Smith takes a longish view on the political rupture and includes a comprehensive analysis of social and political life of the Russian Empire, a brief overview of the First Russian Revolution (1905–1907) and the economic and political crisis of the First World War (1914–1918) before discussing the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Russian Civil War, and the period of the New Economic Policy (NEP). The book’s conclusion is a comprehensive essay attempting to comprehend the revolution and its consequences as a whole. As a nuanced social, political, and cultural history, Russia in Revolution: An Empire in Crisis, 1890 to 1928 outlines the Revolution of 1917 as a tectonic shift which cannot be reduced to a simple change of the elites in the Russian imperial formation. Smith’s brilliant work will be invaluable for the students of history, both in Russia and abroad, and all those who are interested in global history in general and the Russian Revolution in particular.
This article commemorates works of a renowned Russian legal scholar and human-rights activist Aidar R. Sultanov. In doing so, we will use an original methodology of the analysis of transnational intellectuals to consider the work of Sultanov illuminated by the following four approaches: the “We dimension”; the dimension of “Others”; the dimension of Sultanov’s “spatial narratives”; and key “historical narratives”. We concentrate our analysis of Sultanov not only as a legal scholar and human-rights activist but, even more broadly, as a public intellectual—some of whose cultural and philosophical premises have remained implicit but which we believe need to be explored in a brighter light. The latter are taken into consideration, in this essay, so as to speculate about the following: what elements of Sultanov’s worldview make this one of a transnational intellectual and, also, what prompts him to feel obliged to take a stand against attempts to securitize human rights at the national level in the Russian Federation?
The article acts as an Introduction to the speaicl issue of the journal which deals with domestic violence and authority's abuse in early modern Europe
To understand decision making processes in the field of public ethics, legal policy and e-government regulation it is important to understand the factors that promote, restrict, and distort the processes. This in turn requires an analysis of the failure to establish in the behaviour of institutions and individuals such values as ethics in the public IT-policy as factors for sociocultural changes, the respect for e-government legal regulation and procedures standards, and an acknowledgement of the decisions of courts as dispute resolution mechanisms. This strategy presumably provides the possibility to offer a prognostic approach, involving an analysis of the correlation between the beliefs, norms and reality, and based on previous experience of e-government regulation in national and comparative perspective.
For nearly four years the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has been shaken the next «round» of the crisis. Clashes on ethnic and religious grounds don’t stop, exacerbated by opposition of various armed groups. Analysis of these dramatic events and issues related to their reconciliation was devoted III conference held 2627 November 2014 in the Institute for African Studies RAS (previous conferences were held earlier in May 2011 and June 2013). There were more than 20 reports; discussed issues related to the exacerbation of socioeconomic, political and ethnoreligious conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa and a new level of these conflicts; the impact of the crisis events on the situation in the other African countries; the further development of the region after the «Arab Spring».