The aim of presented article is to examine the mechanism of control of the Third section of His Imperial Majesty's Own Chancellery over the highest provincial bureaucracy during the Nicholas I era. The career of Ivan Talysin (1799-1844), who served in the 1830s-1840s as civil governor in Tobolsk and Orenburg was taken as an example. The article questions several topics: what information did the Third section possess on the state of the provincial government; how did the Third section intervene in the personnel policy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and other central departments; what was the practice of interaction between the Third section and the ministries in the framework of supervision over the provincial administration. In this methodological approach the author relies on the tradition of the institutional theory in the field of historical sociology. It was noted that the emerging of professional bureaucracy within the absolutist state led to the formation of an independent "monarch's institution" and "agents" of the supreme authority caused by the monarch's intention to retain power. The activities of the Third section and gendarme officers in the province are regarded as directly representing the imperial will in public administration. The article is based on official records from the archives of the Third section (State Archives of the Russian Federation) and the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Russian State Historical Archive). In the course of the study, the following conclusions were made. The establishment of the Third section in 1826 was caused by the intention of the monarch to set a constant supervision over the central and local bureaucracy. The Third section collected regular reports of gendarmerie officers with characteristics of local officials, various denunciations were sent to provincial gendarmes for verification. Gendarmerie officers were deprived of the right to make inquiries in the documents of provincial agencies, their reports were based on information from their confidants and rumors and were not confirmed by official documents. The whole system of supervision ascended to the monarch, and the reports of the secret police provided him with an alternative source of information on the state of affairs in the provincial government and allowed to make decisions in the circumvention of the ministers. Gendarmerie control over provincial administration was not legislated, but by the end of the 1830s was tightly integrated into the public administration. The gradual consolidation of central government agencies narrowed the space for regular gendarmerie control.
The article is devoted to Joan, Lady of Wales (also known by her Welsh name as Siwan), English king John Lackland’s illegitimate daughter married prince of Gwynedd Llywelyn ap Iorwerth in 1205. Their dynastic marriage obviously had a great impact on Gwynedd policy and the Anglo-Welsh relationship of 13th century.
The main purpose of the research is to define the role played by Joan in the most significant aspects of Llywelyn the Great’ policy by means of analyzing such historical sources as Welsh and English chronicles, including The Chronicle of the Princes, Roger of Wendover’s Flowers of History, Annales Monastici etc, corpus of Welsh native law texts, known as The Law of Hywel Dda, some legal acts and official correspondence, concerning Wales.
One of the most controversial questions in the current historiography is Joan’s ancestry. The only mention of Joan’s mother can be found in the Tewksbury annals where she is referred to as “regina Clemencia”. However, without any doubt she was not of royal blood and had never been married to John Lackland. Joan was only legitimized by pope Honorius III in 1226 at Llywelyn’s request. The reasons behind John’s and Llywelyn’s agreement to this marriage are open to debate. As a result of his marriage to the English king’s daughter, Llywelyn’s descendants were supposed to acquire blood relationship to the Plantagenets, one of the most powerful dynasties in Europe. King John had political stake in this marriage: he hoped that the reduced Welsh threat on the border would allow him to focus on more important issues of his reign such as continental troubles and concerns with the baronial confrontation.
It is hard to overrate the role Joan played in the Welsh policy. Having married the prince of Gwynedd, Joan became an extremely efficient intermediary between the Welsh and the English crown. She repeatedly acted as an ambassador of the Welsh prince in negotiation with her father king John and her half-brother king Henry III. Even though Llywelyn the Great adopted the title of Prince of Aberffraw and Lord of Snowdon, Joan was never called “Princess” in the documents, as her title, recognized by Henry III, was “Lady of Wales”. Joan’s influence in the matter of some important cultural and legal innovations in Wales looks undeniable, e.g. Llywelyn ap Iorwerth abolished an ancient Welsh legal custom, according to which there was not any difference between legitimate sons and bastards in matters relating to inheritance, in order to make Joan’s son Daffyd, the only heir to the Gwynedd throne.
Despite not being a native Welsh, Siwan is considered to be one of the most prominent heroic figures of Medieval Wales due to her remarkable life and the significant role she played in the formation of the Principality of Wales.
The article focuses on the features of the everyday life of children whose parents were victims of political repression. Chronological framework of the study is limited to the period of the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945). The study was mainly conducted on the materials of the Molotov region (Perm region nowadays). The objects of the study are the three most significant categories of “socially dangerous” children: those whose parents were convicted for political reasons, those who with their parents were deported to special settlements before and during the war, and mobilized to the labor army minors, belonged to peoples, recognized as “hostile to the USSR”. The authors discuss the features of the welfare of the social groups in question, in particular, providing them with food, clothing and other vital things. Special attention is paid to identifying local attitudes towards “outsiders”, that have received the state stigma of“enemy of the people”, “deportees”, etc. The authors present numerous facts of discrimination against children of “enemies of the people”. The authors also draw attention to features of the perception of those children in cities and the countryside where they lived. In particular, it is stated that their life in the countryside generally was quieter than in the city. Special attention is paid to the mental peculiarities of everyday life of children whose parents were suppressed in their civil rights. Unlike other categories of children, the children of “enemies of the people” were afraid not only of the war and that was connected with it. They were also afraid of losing loved ones because of the persecution of the authorities. A large number of memories associated with fear were caused by experiences during the arrest of relatives. Children “of enemies of the people” were afraid to be punished. Unlike other children, they felt that they may be punished not only for poor schoolwork or bad behavior. Punishment from the authorities frightened a lot more. This fear of punishment was formed by the atmosphere of terror. In addition, the authors draw attention to the impact of frightening pictures of war seen by the children on their perception of the world. Analyzing the everyday realities of the children of “enemies of the people” in wartime, the authors identify some specific features that distinguish them from the realities of other children’s life. The stigma of “enemy of the people” affects the education, communication with peers and adults. The life of these children was impregnated with the fear of punishment, since they were under constant control by the state. Problems in communication with peers and adults, frequent failure and preach provoked such children developing an inferiority complex. The children were faced with an artificially created image of an enemy, with the result that the stigma of “enemy of the people” divided their society into two groups: those who are not afraid to break through the officially established boundaries, and those who made the decision on self-preserving and protecting his family with least resistance to the state.
The purpose of the article is to define the terms describing sin in the “Sentences” of Taio, a bishop of Zaragoza in the second half of VII century. To achieve this goal I tried to find the sources of Taio’s concepts and to analyze the ways of citing and interpreting them. I selected some Latin words with an interesting sense (peccatum, delictum, iniquitas, vitium) and tried to compare meanings of them. My main source was “Sentences”, a treatise wrote by Taio, a very readable book in the early medieval Europe. The “Sentences” contain five books. In the first, the author talks about God and the angels, in the second - about those who dedicated themselves to the service of God. The third book deals with various types of sacraments, as well as examples of the main Christian virtues. The fourth book, on the contrary, is devoted to various kinds of sin, the fifth deals with crimes, trial and justice. I also used the texts those had an enormous influence upon Taio: I mean “Moralia” of Gregory the Great and “Sentences” of Isidore of Seville. Taio adopted the ideas of Gregory and Isidore concerning the sin and its kinds. My conclusions could make clearer the sense of Latin words. “Peccatum” is a common world to describe the sins. Taio tried to do a hierarchy of sins and crimes. He divides the sins into graves and lights, secrets and overts. Every unwept sin, every sin without repentance pull the other sin, more grave and horrible, and in the end it is a web of sins, but a poor sinner cannot recognize it. The other synonims of “peccatum” are terms “vitium”, “delictum” and “iniquitas”. We use to translate “vitium” as vice. It means in “Sentences” seven cardinal vices, as greed, lust, anger, envy, despondency, gluttony and arrogance. “Delictum” is quite similar to “peccatum”, they are getting muddled just in Antiquity, but usually “delictum” is more light sin or it is only bad thought. In the end “iniquitas” is injustice. Taio’s ideas are not original at all; he took it over “Moralia” and Isidore’s “Sentences”. His originality consists in using and combination of two main works. He took a form and structure from Isidore’s treatise and filled it by Gregory’s ideas and examples. However, his “Sentences”, with their relatively small volume and distinct structure became the source by which the ideas of Gregory the Great, expressed in “Moralia”, were widely spread both in the Visigothic Kingdom and generally in medieval Europe.
The article is devoted to the formation of everyday life history as a separate direction of modern historical science with its theoretical concepts. Its formation can be attributed to the last quarter of 18th century. The historian Jesuit P.-J.-B. Legrand d'Aussy was one of its first authors. The dynamics of development and methods of various "stories of daily occurrence" are considered in the paper. “L'histoire de la vie quotidenne” of Annales` school is focused on identification of mentality by means of everyday life features analysis of. German “Alltagsgeschichte” is actively using the microhistorical analysis. One of its major purpose is the verification and updating of the accepted historical concepts. “Alltagskulturgeschichte” is based on the theory of "lifestyles" as behavior archetypes in correlation with era conditions, social accessory and so forth.. In our country life and customs as every day repeating social practicians began to be studied since the 40-ies of the 19th century. Soviet everyday life history continued study life conditions, was very ideological. This historiographical direction quickly grew in the post-soviet history, taking various elements of foreign theories of the every day life history. A number of news directions in everyday life history with its own subjects of research arose (“revolutionary daily occurrence”, “working daily occurrence”, “gender daily occurrence” etc.). Russian history of city everyday life is in the focus of the article author. Specific features of this scientific sector, its problem areas, purposes, structure and an object of a research are explored. The comparative analysis of two historiographically significant works, published in Ekaterinburg (authors - Vladimir Mikityuk and Olga Yakhno) and Tomsk (Anisa Zheravina), is carried out for this purpose. The analysis demonstrated that the structure of city everyday life is due to citizens interests. These interests, in turn, were determined by those aspects of public life which provided their standards of living: city economics, infrastructure and as well as social one too (transport, post, education, medicine etc.), leisure and entertainment, criminality. The development of these aspects is also represented by historians as manifestation of the society modernization and its quintessence - the city. Research approaches of compared authors combine theoretical provisions of the Russian methodologists, first of all Natalia Pushkareva, and microhistory elements in the spirit of German Alltagsgeschichte. The source basis of city everyday life history is composed from press materials – headline news, statistics, journalism and commercial advertisements.
This article seems to look at the practices of memory culture in contemporary Russian province. With the gradual deterioration of the socio-economic situation, it is the province most vulnerable space in terms of social and political stability. Provincial political elites are beginning to experience a shortage of meaning, which ultimately affects their legitimacy. Power refers to the narratives, allowing to provide a broad social consensus. Such narratives are present in the Russian and Soviet history, which immediately contribute to their actualization in commemoration of new practices. The author is convinced that well designed memorial space in contemporary Russian province can give the ruling elite additional opportunities for political legitimacy.
The article, based on extensive field studies of the Old Believer communities of the Upper Kama, explores profound changes brought about by the declining role of book in the Old Believer confessional culture at the turn of the twenty first century. The generational changes resulted in a diminished role of reading and interpretation of sacred text that for centuries had been at the core of communal religiosity. As a result, the traditional “ideological community” structured around spiritual leaders bringing the sacred truths to the faithful gave way to a “textual community,” as defined by B. Stock. In such communities the role played by the learned members is minimal: they merely familiarize the illiterate with the sacred text and stimulate production of interpretations adopted by the faithful.
This shift became apparent as early as the latter part of the 1980s. While clinging to the material tradition, such as prescribed types of clothing, shoes, food and cooking, the religious leaders embraced novel interpretations of spiritual and theological values, including justification, intercession of the saints, or the symbolism of the sacred space. Their renditions of biblical and hagiographical texts were increasingly divorced from the written word and instead became an original legendary tradition that interpreted the given liturgical and doctrinal norms in novel, original ways. The reverence for the sacred text was seamlessly blended with rather unorthodox construal, and the still unshakeable adherence to ancient cultural norms, with creative adapting to modernity. The decline of book-centered religiosity made the Old Believer traditionalist communities resulted in fusing of ancient and novel interpretational models guiding the faithful on their quest for personal salvation.
It seems indisputable that there are considerable blank spaces in studying history of church during the period of Mongolian sovereignty over Russia. In addition, completely different points of view in the pre-revolutionary and Soviet historiography on the aforementioned problem make some difficulties in an interpretation of events. The purpose of this article is to consider results of researches about the role of the Orthodox Church during the period of Mongolian domination on the basis of achievements of the source study and historiography, taking into account modern methodological positions. It allows defining historians’ views on the place of the Russian church in the system of the Russian-Golden Horde relationship. The issue of relationship between the Russian church and the Mongolian conquerors was raised in the 16th century because of confrontation between the Josephites and Non-possessors. The khans’ grants were used by the Orthodox hierarches as an argument in a polemic about possession of church lands. In the 18th century representatives of rationalistic historiography paid attention to the Russian church’s role during the Horde period (M. M. Shcherbatov). Veritable academic research of the problem began only in the 19th century along with preparation of the general courses of the church history. Metropolitan Platon (Levshin), the archbishop Filaret (Gumilevsky) and especially archbishop Makari (Bulgakov) made a significant contribution in the problem statement, accumulation of data and defining primary approaches to studying. Professor of the Moscow spiritual academy E.E Golubinsky’s research was to some extent a result of development of all pre-revolutionary historiography of the subject. It might be assessed as one of the most comprehensive and full even now. P. P. Sokolov's and other researches are also noteworthy. Russian sources were the main basis for the studying of relationship between the Russian church and Mongols in the 19th- the beginning of the 20th century since east sources were not adequately studied yet. History of the Golden Horde was also investigated not enough for making any difference. Khans’ labels were the only The Golden Horde sources attracted for the solution of the specified problems. Studying of labels became a special field in historiography, so it has a significant value for the abovementioned issue. It is important to note that authors of 19th - the head of the 20th century created an essential foundation for future researches. The Soviet period must be considered as less fruitful. In the majority of works devoted to history of church ideological and atheistic interests prevailed over scientific issues. The problem of relationship between the Russian church and the Golden Horde in these works was not comprehensively investigated. Soviet authors used the outdated or obviously tendentious approaches and conclusions based on M. N. Pokrovsky's concept. It led to a distortion of the role of clergy during domination of the Mongolian khans over Russian lands. New approaches to studying of this theme were outlined in researches in the last years of Soviet historiography. A conclusion about support provided by the Russian church to the Golden Horde which was dominating in the Soviet historiography seems to be speculative, predetermined by Marxist and atheistic methodology of historical studies in this period, since it has no actual confirmation in the written sources. So the majority of authors who continue to write about the problems connected with history of church dramatically changed their assessments.
The aim of the presented article is to consider the conditions in which intuitive conjectures in historical constructions transform into a scientific hypothesis. In order to prove it, the author takes into account the procedure of identifying verbal texts which underlie the descriptions found in the historical source, and which explicitly reveal the meaning of the retrospective information. The methodological basis of the study is the hermeneutic approach. One of the unique sources was taken as an example: the only preserved description of the Oprichny Palace, left by the German oprichnik Heinrich Staden. A. L. Yurganov connected a number of details of this description (the square form of the palace, the three gates facing north, south and east, the absence of the western gate, the fact that only the Grand Duke could enter through the eastern gate, etc.) with the City of God described by the prophet Ezekiel. However, Yurganov tried to comprehend the details of the Staden’s description through the Revelation of John the Theologian in order to emphasize the connection of the Palace with the eschatological expectations of the 16th century. Yurganov simply did not notice a number of other details (the coincidence of dimensions, the topography of the Palace, the dates of the creation of the Palace and the designation of the oprichnina, the connection of the Palace with other buildings that appeared in Moscow at the same time, etc.). All of this raised serious doubts about the accuracy of the proposed interpretation of Staden’s description of the Oprichny Palace, if not discredited Yurganov’s idea. These details receive correct interpretation when we turn to the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel and to the Third Book of Enoch. They are also the additional sources on which the article is based. A systematic analysis of the details of the Oprichny Palace makes it possible to assume with full justification that the oprichnina was a preparation for the End of the World, which was expected in 7077 (1569). Ivan the Terrible assumed the functions of the Savior, believing that he was the Messiah himself. The burning of the Oprichny Palace by the Crimean Khan Devlet Giray in 1572 was a sign for Ivan IV that God did not accept this claim. Oprichnina was abolished and the very word oprichnina was prohibited. Thus, a systematic appeal to the correct sources makes it possible to transform a clever assumption into a scientific hypothesis.
Throughout the last thirty years banlieues in France have been invariably linked with the issues of migration and migrant communi- ties. Migrants appeared there in the 1960s, when France began to import workers for its large industrial plants from her former North African colonies. There are a number of key events that shaped the development of these quarters in France and marking of them as the «zones of exclusion» by the French society. First, it is their settlement in the 1960s – 1970s by migrants and the gradual departure of non-migrants inhabitants. Second, it is the recognition of these social housing quarters by the society as the «migrant» areas. Dur- ing this period, young members of the migrant communities engaged in protest manifestations to assert their equal citizen rights, drawing the attention of the society to the problem of social exclusion of banlieues inhabitants. The third stage was the beginning of the 1990s – the period of large-scale disturbances provoked by the inhabitants of banlieues. Even though France by that time had been for over a decade implementing social integration programs aimed at the inhabitants of these quarters, these «problem areas» still remained a kind of environment that locked in its young inhabitants and impeded their integration into the larger society. These territories begin to be called «ghettoes» thereby stressing their difference, marginality, their location at the social periphery, and the exclusion of their inhabitants from the life of the rest of the city. The next important step were the disturbances of 2005, when the Paris banlieues and the problems of migrants became a topic for discussion on a global scale, as their young inhabitants took to the streets, thereby drawing attention to the obvious problems of these quarters: social exclusion, unemployment, violence, and crime. Even though in the last decade France has been implementing numerous programs aimed at social integration of youth from these quarters, including improvements in education and support for cultural initiatives, banlieues are still the «exclusion zones.» The arti- cle explores the policies of the French state towards members of migrant communities from the 1960s till present. We also consider the policies regarding the inhabitants of the banlieues. In conclusion, we discuss whether the term «ghetto» could be applied to these areas.
Structuring of the living space is a generalist of proxemics human behavior. However, ways of organizing of living space vary in different cultures and can change under the influence of another ethnic environment. The paper deals with the transformation of the organization of living space of home, taking place in the family of Caucasus ethnics migrated to Moscow.
In article the analysis of a special type of a confessional Old Believe bookishness – an economic book culture is undertaken. The author of article suggests carrying to an Old Believe confessional bookishness and monuments of economic culture. They were included in communal libraries along with ascetic and learning collections. That fact is represented to the most important that the Old Believers economic culture had distinct confessional character. Economic documents of old believe communities and their representatives form special economic area of Old Believers confessional bookishness where economic rationalism and the scrupulous account with idea of blessed wealth and a salutary profitable activity for the belief benefit merged.
Scientific and technologic advance created an opportunity to move fast from across the globe and to get in contact with friends and business partners all over the world. Compression of the space-time removed many barriers, which have hindered effective communication before. Some kind of linguistic space was required in order to understand each other and continue improving relationships. Eventually, English became 'lingua franca', that is why it is important to forecast possible changes in this language in Great Britain, where it emerged and developed. It is noteworthy, that condition of English should be examined before subsequent forecasting. The authors of the article attempt to analyze the linguistic situation in Great Britain on the ground of classification made by A. Shweizer and L. Nikolsky. The theoretical part of the article is devoted to the generally accepted definition of the term 'linguistic situation' and the correlation of the state of language in the United Kingdom with the classification. According to it, the linguistic situation in Great Britain is exoglossic and non-balanced. It means that several languages are widespread among the British, but they have not equal status. In addition, there is one language-macromediator, which is English, and it is used for the communication among different ethnic groups and many regional languages and languages of immigrants. All of them are analyzed in the article. English is traditionally accepted as an official language of the United Kingdom, but it is not stated in any law. Received Pronunciation (RP) faded into insignificance, while more democratic Estuary English, which is a mixture of RP and slang, became more common. It is highlighted that individuals often use standard norms of English or its dialects depending on the social situation. The authors mark that such kind of situation is called diglos-sia. Long-term presence of Scotland and Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom made possible an emergence of mixtures of English and regional languages. Thus, Scots and Hiberno-English have appeared. Welsh is peculiar among other regional languages due to actions of the Welshgovernment and public organizations on revival of this language. Welsh was the first regional language in Great Britain, which was given an equal status with English in Wales by The Welsh Language Act 1993. Census in 2001 and 2011 has shown certain increase of people speaking Welsh but it is not enough. Experts note that discrimination of Welsh in XIX century entailed loss of Welsh identity and national traditions. It is emphasized legislation itself cannot solve the majority of these deep problems. Nevertheless, Welsh continues to develop and spread in Wales. There is another situation with other two Celtic languages Scottish Gaelic and Irish Gaelic in Great Britain. Public organizations play a greater role in restoring these languages. Irish Gaelic was recognized only in Good Friday Agreement in 1998. Surveys show slow spread of this language because educated Irish prefer English to Gaelic in order to find a better place in the British society. Language performance of Scottish Gaelic has been decreasing for 200 years. However, tempo of reduction is rather slow. The first National Gaelic Language Plan was adopted in 2007 for 5 years. Now the National Gaelic Language Plan 2012-2017 is being implemented. It is quite early to estimate the results of this plan, but officials hope its effect will be seen in some years. It is important to note that the most widespread languages after English are not included in regional languages. They are Polish and languages of Indian people. 600 000 and 700 000 immigrants respectively speak these languages. This trend shows that regulations in the field of immigrant languages became more up-to-date for the government. Great influence of Hindi on English is observed. Experts claim that new form of English Hinglish, has emerged recent years. To conclude, this article deals with main characteristics of the linguistic situation in Great Britain and examines the interrelations of the languages spread in the United Kingdom.