The article focuses on the influence of the Fourth Industrial Revolution on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the current global and regional milieu. The key dimensions of this influence are revealed, the nature of challenges ASEAN is encountering is specified, and the practical directions of activity that will allow ASEAN to curtail the negative repercussions of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the strategic perspective are outlined. The author argues that the prerequisites for ASEAN success in encountering the challenges of the Fourth Industrial Revolution can be strengthened by its participation in the Greater Eurasia project.
The article focuses upon Japan’s position towards ASEAN role as the driving force of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) initiative. Defining the key reasons behind ASEAN motivation to strengthen this position, the authors explores the extent of complementarity of Japan’s and ASEAN priorities towards ASEAN centrality in RCEP as potentially one of the most promising initiatives of Asia-Pacific economic regionalism.
Until recently the success of the attempts to resolve the problems of the South China Sea had undermined the misbalance between it and instruments to maintain it in the controlled framework. The growing global importance of the problem had not been accompanied by adequate new approaches to its regulation, still being of regional nature. The formation of a consolidated Eurasia where the idea of growing regional interconnection will evolve could provide a chance to remove the misbalance. And the prospects of AСЕАН, the SCO and the EAEC cooperation have the potential to become a means to correct the shortcomings of previous approaches to the problem of the South China Sea and will facilitate its evolution in a peaceful non-confrontational manner.
A quasi-state - Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIS) is turning into a new “Jihad university” for radical Islamists over the world including South-East Asia. In the effort to resist the growing influence of ISIS in the region and to enlist the support of external partners ASEAN leaders counts on the support of the USA. However Washington does not provide dedicated support for the efforts of ASEAN, which is promoting the global movement of moderates. Objectively there is little reason to expect such support in the future. The reason is obvious – the ISIS influence in SEA perfectly meets the US policy priority in the Asia-Pacific region, the aim of which is to fortify American leadership, with one of the tools of it being “controlled chaos” in the interests of the U.S.
The article analyzes the features and evolution of relations between China and ASEAN, paying attention to contemporary contradictions and difficulties, as well as the opportunities that ASEAN can employ so as to level out problematic issues and maintain its own position in the Asia Pacific region.
The article attempts to expand the methodological approach to the South China Sea issue by exploring the categories of “power” and “responsibility” and making their comparison at different stages of the problem. In the development of novel approach to the contradictions and keeping them manageable, the prerequisite for success is the re-set of mentality of experts and policy-makers increasing the significance of the category “responsibility”.
Realizing the necessity to increase its competitiveness to cope with the current and forthcoming challenges, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has to explore additional resources of development. Among them, strengthening people-to-people contacts with a potentially high aftereffect for the competitiveness of the ASEAN and its member states may play a conspicuous role. The authors of the article identify main directions, measures and mechanisms of this cooperation linking them with the ASEAN’s prospective planning and assess the on-going initiatives.
The article aims to specify the potential of the business dimension of ASEAN Economic Community. Assessing the main trends shaping the Asia-Pacific economic regionalism, the author systemizes the key directions of ASEAN activity towards the Economic Community before and after its establishment in December 2015. Then the author identifies the competitive advantages and strategic traps ASEAN is encountering through the prism of business activity in Southeast Asia. The author argues that the potential of commercial projects implemented in Southeast Asia can be less significant for ASEAN interests than it was expected.
New nuances in Japan’s policy towards the South China Sea issue reveal Tokyo’s readiness not only to provide it with a further emphasis, but also to transform the pattern of Japan-US alliance towards the modification of the “hub-and-spoke system” from “the US – the alliance partners” to “the US – Japan – the alliance partners”. The implementation of these plans will undermine the coordination of the priorities of Asia-Pacific countries in terms of unifying the parameters of security cooperation in Asia-Pacific and Eurasia, and, by implication, the nascent “Asian century”.