The article is devoted to the problems of identification of the political elite and its structure, and peculiarities of institutionalization. This study has experience of case stady - a regional case. The process of elite construction in the Lipetsk region has a number of similar features with elite construction in other constituent entities of the Russian Federation, taking into account the current political conjuncture. At the same time, elite construction in the Lipetsk region has its own specific features. It is in this subjective factor that the main riddle of elite design, which connects with the acting head of the administration of the Lipetsk region, disappears. In general, the characteristic features of the political elite in the composition of interest groups of the political elite and their role in the process of forming the administrative elite are revealed. The patterns of behavior of sub-regional political elites in power are noted. A conclusion is drawn about the main trends in the formation of elites at the present stage in a separate region of Russia.
In this article the author focuses on the political crisis in modern Ukraine. Under these circumstances, the stock of public confidence in official institutions of power is almost exhausted, thereby legitimating new institutions representing informal structures. One such institution is the Maidan - parallel structure, duplicating the functions of state structures. The author tries to rethink Maidan through a unique Ukrainian political culture and quite bright and attractive political image. Legitimation of Maidan and delegitimation of formal structures from the point of view of the author may be due to the low tolerance of society to the government itself , which is a specific feature of the Ukrainian political culture.
This article is an attempt to study the discourse of pain as a product of human activity rebellious man. From the point of view of the author, the reasons of the ambivalent behavior, characteristic of Russian culture can be explain of rebellion behavior. Inexplicable and sanctuary of a single rebellious person starts projected on the culture itself, formed with the help of cultural products such rebellious people. Using literary texts by Dostoevsky, the author tries to consider how in a particular subject alternates desire to carry out the punishment and repression, and the need for experience and a shame for the act committed. The author believes that in such moments in the subject at the same time conflict with each other Master (cold and ruthless) and God (warm, tending to Love and Sacrifice). Rebellious man doubles in his quest to be the same as God, to suffer for other people, and the master, able to send the violence and implement the repressive acts. Duality of Russian culture largely affects the duality of the pain. Discourse pain texts Dostoevsky revealed in numerous situations actualization pain. The author believes that the subject is in a situation of choice between two strategies. From the point of view of the author, the pain may be due to implemented violence against any victim or be the consequence of acquiring own. The subjects are the carriers of Russian culture presented in the mysterious image of the hero of Dostoevsky. In this article, the author talks about the factors contributing to the transformation of energy in the protest cultural products. From the point of view of the author, the problems exposed by Fyodor Dostoevsky, fully projected onto the real political and cultural practices.
The article addresses the forms and technics of political battles inside the Bolshevik Party. The author contributes to the reconstruction of the encounter between party institutions (control commissions and committees) and the Left Opposition (Bolshevik-Leninists) in the Ural region, which has not been exhaustively discussed by scholars. He shows in detail how the Left made a new attempt to influence the party and the working class in 1928-1930. By this period, the party bureaucracy just repelled the United Opposition, and the revival of struggle against the defeated Bolshevik-Leninists was unexpected. This time, the new round of the battle was complicated by the deterioration of living standards that made the slogans of opposition more attractive among people. The Left could not take the advantage of the situation and lost because of the following reasons: inside conflicts among the Bolshevik-Leninists, the actions of the OGPU, and the efforts made by the party apparatus. The party institutions had already gathered considerable information about their opponents and developed effective methods of fight that could help to block the influence of Trotsky’s supporters. The total purge among party members, held in 1929, became the new form of identifying any opposition. The legal evaluation of the Bolshevik-Leninists’ activity was reconsidered, and their groups were defined as anti-Soviet. That allowed not only the party but also the state subject the Bolshevik-Leninists to severe repression. Thus, the actions of party institutions became one of the essential factors in the defeat of the Bolshevik-Leninists in 1928-1930.
The article analyzes the directions and forms of use of historical memory in the politics of identity over time-the European Union and the role of Russia's image in the interpretation of the Europeytsy its history and strengthen the European identity. The author, you-allowed three directions of the politics of memory EU: the creation of a positive identity, that is, the production obracall "their" and sense of belonging to the EU; ensuring internal commontion; the creation of the negative is identical to industry through the construction of images of "strangers". The image of Russia is used in the politics of remembrance in all three directions. The author demonstrates that the image of Russia included in the fixed forms of identity politics associated with interPretoria historical past: the establishment of holidays and the celebration of anniversaries; construction and demolition sites; adoption of educational standards, particularly in secondary schools; Museum policy; establishment of institutions of memory. The article States that the interpretation of the image of the past becomes the subject of competition between different political actors engaged in EU policy the European identity
At the present stage, cooperation between Mexico and Spain is multifaceted and effective. Both countries support economic and trade ties, strengthened with the assumption of power in Mexico of a member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Enrique Peña Nieto, at the same time possessing the various mechanisms for bilateral dialogue and assistance, which together form one of the most multifaceted institutional structures in the world. At a time when the Mexican economy fell under "the destabilizing effect" due to the policy of the new U.S. president Donald Trump in relation to Mexico, that threatens political and economic achievements of Mexican– Spanish relations, it is extremely important to study the current state of affairs, all the key moments of their relationships, given that today the status of a natural ally with Spain is one of the central tasks for Mexico.
Dependence between changes in area of political communication and subsequent change of efficiency's criteria and an entity of the political propaganda are obvious. The focus is on the general logic of political communication as a component of the political process. The cognitive map of the micro level theories of political communication, relevant for this particular research, was devised. Study of political communication generally can be divided into two big research paradigms. The first one, provided by Laswell, considers political communication as the linear and unidirectional process. The second one, introduced by Thompson as an example, defines the system of political communication as a multi-level process affecting different levels of the analysis and understanding.
Having traced evolution of the subject domains within theories of political communication, it is possible to trace patterns of the change in research approaches of these domains (the view of communication as the linear structure or multi-level process of the interaction). Moreover, having revealed changes in methodology and a technique of the study of mass communication, it turns out that in many respects these changes depended on interdisciplinary interaction and enrichment of the communication studies by new methods of analysis (from empirical methods of behaviouristic methodology to hermeneutical approach in a communication study in the constructivistic paradigm).