Mass political protests of recent years, starting with the Arab Spring in 2010-2011 when protesters swept the Middle East and North Africa and up to the latest developments in Ukraine, are an important factor of political changes. Once emerged, protests go on and preserve their infl uence on political changes in the United States and Europe, Russia, Ukraine, Brazil, Turkey, Egypt, Thailand and many other countries all over the world. This allows some researchers to talk about the emergence of a new phenomenon – the phenomenon of protest groups of citizens or protest publics.1 These publics can become not only a factor but also an actor of political changes in modern polities. This requires clarifi cation of existing methodological approaches and research tools of political changes, as well as the roles of the different driving forces (actors and factors) in the process.
During the pandemic, Sino-US relations have remarkably deteriorated. The institutionalization of such destructive practices as toughening rhetoric in the media and sanctions is becoming obvious. As the model of bilateral relations is now aimed at decoupling the degradation will continue. These trends inevitably affect the mood of the Chinese society. The article analyzes opinions on foreign policy in Chinese society in the context of SinoAmerican relations within the pandemic period. The work is divided into two parts: the fi rst assesses general trends in US-China relations. The second part traces the current trends in the modern ideological and political atmosphere in Chinese society. The episode with congratulations to the Chinese public from the American administration on the occasion of the 101st anniversary of the famous «May 4, 1919 movement» is analyzed as a case study. The research shows that this event received ambiguous and even opposite assessments: part of the society saw in it as an attempt to accuse China of the spread of coronavirus and the imposition of Western values. Another part emphasized M. Pottinger’s rather high level of spoken Chinese and noted that the very fact of congratulation can be viewed as a positive moment for bilateral relations. There were also positions combining both approaches. The case under consideration reveals the danger of decoupling initiated by the parties. The tension between the PRC and the United States leads to the fact that the partners are starting to interpret each other’s intentions as presumably hostile, even taking into account such a formally favorable occasion as congratulations on a signifi cant historical date. Meanwhile, it seems that the presence of positive interpretations against the background of a general deterioration in bilateral relations also cannot be ignored. Although public opinion cannot be unambiguous and does not always directly infl uence specifi c political steps, it is important to take into account the full range of opinions for an objective and comprehensive analysis of SinoAmerican relations.
Korea is a country with strict anticorruption legislation. However, this cannot the only guarantee for the eradication of various types of corruption. Analyzing retrospectively the reasons for its functioning and its combating in the Republic of Korea, there is a traditional system of social organization that in many ways provokes corruption. In different periods the presidents of Korea engaged in “personnel cleansing” in the civil service and conducted a strict anti-corruption policy. However, each of the heads of Korea was a victim of corruption scandals, although South Korean society is one of the most respectable and decent societies in the world. The use of harsh measures in this area makes it possible to identify the facts of participation in the corruption schemes of former and current assistants to the head of state, deputies from the ruling and opposition parties, representatives of business structures. As a result, the anti-corruption measures of the Korean government have a positive impact on the country's international image.
This article is devoted to the analysis of the growing importance of the Eurasian direction in Japan's foreign policy, the causes and consequences of the duality and inconsistency of this policy, the infl uence of internal political reasons on Japan's alignment with its policy towards the Central Asian states. The process of building up a new system of Japan’s foreign policy behavior in Central Asia in this case has developed in a reactive as opposed to a proactive manner. Eurasian direction of Japan’s diplomacy demanded a serious revision because by the new project «One Belt, One Road», which is an unprecedented regional initiative of Beijing – the primary foreign policy opponent for Tokyo. The regional agenda of Tokyo is also infl uenced by the new approaches of Donald Trump’s administration to the multilateral cooperation’s forms. Tokyo’s attempts to pursue its relations with the Central Asian states as a whole region and the Japan’s experience of using the dialogue «Central Asia plus Japan» as a promising model for the cooperation between non-regional actors and its Central Asia’s partners, are also of interest. In addition, the article deals with the preconditions for coordinating actions in the Eurasian direction between Japan and its friendly states, including Turkey and India, and the process of diversifying the economic partners of the Central Asian region as a whole. Since the reasons for the interest of the Central Asian states in the implementation of economic and other forms of cooperation with Tokyo have not lost their relevance, Russia could be of signifi cant value to Tokyo.
The issue is devoted to the Crimea and Sevastopol city accession to the Russian Federation. The economic effects of the Crimean territorial policy of the Russian government are considered. The assumption is made that the occurrence of the Crimea in the economic and legal space of the Russian Federation has included significant investment. Meanwhile, it is worth far less than the prospect of Crimea to share the fate of modern Ukraine. The article considers the political consequences of Crimea's integration into Russia. From the authors’ point of view this integration was an important event in world politics that significantly changed the field of international relations and "rules of the game". It has been revealed how events in Crimea have changed the vector of development of Russian policy in the context of domestic life and in the international community. It is shown that the integration of the Crimea becomes an important figure in Russian political discourse, linking the foreign and domestic policies of modern Russia. This underlines the seriousness of the Crimean agenda in the public consciousness. The accession of Crimea and Sevastopol City into the Russian Federation has allowed the ruling elite of modern Russia make the best use of opportunities for their own legitimization.
Information space as a new (geo)political space exerts an increasingly higher influence on the global processes. Despite its specific nature, its connection with physical space is growing, furthermore, the states describe themselves as leading actors of information space more actively. Although the approaches diff er from one another, information space is being generally perceived in the traditional categories of sovereignty, borders and territory. The states serve as accelerators of interrelated processes of militarization, securitization and diplomatization of information space, which are typical for other spaces. Strengthening such tendencies and including a greater number of countries lead to new forms of cooperation and conflicts.
China is perceived, on the one hand, as a long-term object of sanction pressure, on the other hand, as a consistent critic of using unilateral sanctions for political purposes. At the same time China has regularly applied unilateral economic sanctions at least since 2000-ies. As the PRC’s economic power grows, the world sees a rising number of the Chinese unilateral sanctions, which become increasingly effective. Analyzing China’s sanctions policy is complicated, as Beijing’s unilateral sanctions mostly lack any offi cial announcement. The tools of sanction pressure concern export control, public authorities’ increased activity, sanitary restrictions, canceling previously approved credit lines, etc. China is most ready to apply sanctions as a response to issues concerning the offence of its military security and infringement of its and territorial integrity, both being identifi ed as core national interests. Yet the number of sanctions applied to ensure a wider range of objectives is increasing. This article studies the Chinese approaches to the application of unilateral sanctions that are refl ected in available publications of the Chinese scholars and particular examples of PRC’s sanctions policy. Since this paper is specifi cally focused on unilateral economic sanctions, it does not address the issues of China’s participation in implementation of sanctions measures introduced by the UN Security Council
In this article, the authors conduct a comparative historical analysis of the stages of Chinese penetration into Africa, the concepts, goals, means, methods and consequences of this penetration for China itself and for individual African countries. The authors conclude that compared to the period of twenty years ago, when China began to show increased interest in Africa, a new situation has now emerged. China has created a binary structure: the Forum of China-Africa cooperation launches a mechanism for selecting countries that are ready to follow the political path of the PRC with the prospect of becoming a country-follower of China, and the "One belt - one road" program de facto "forms membership" in the club of countries-followers of China, fixing these countries in the trail of Chinese influence not only politically, but also economically.
Показано, что частота переворотов и попыток переворотов примерно в равной степени связана как с уровнем коррумпированности, так и с уровнем подушевого ВВП, причем в отношении попыток свержения центральной власти влияние уровня ВВП на душу населения оказывается немного сильнее, а в отношении свержения всех органов власти в совокупности, как центральных, так и местных, степень коррумпированности оказывает большее воздействие. При этом оба показателя находятся в тесной связи между собой, однако скорость роста ВВП не имеет устойчивой корреляции с коррупцией и слабо коррелирована с частотой попыток насильственного свержения органов государственной власти. Полученные зависимости сложным образом связаны с ценностными представлениями. В группе развитых стран с уровнем коррумпированности менее 40 баллов (по 100-балльной шкале) наблюдается существенная положительная корреляция между некоррумпированостью и ценностями самовыражения. В остальных странах ценности не оказывают влияния на уровень коррумпированности, зато влияют на темпы экономического роста и частоту попыток свержения власти. Проведенное исследование показало, что при равных уровнях коррумпированности в странах низкого и среднего уровня экономического развития для устойчивости власти и быстрого экономического роста полезен отказ от традиционализма и вреден слишком ранний переход к ценностям самовыражения. Однако переход через рубеж подушевого ВВП 20-25 тыс. долл. в год затруднителен, если не сопровождается снижением уровня коррумпированности ниже уровня в 40–50 баллов. Есть основания предполагать, что современная Россия с подушевым ВВП около 25 тыс. долл. в год и уровнем коррумпированности выше 70 баллов, может находиться именно в такой ситуации.
The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country.