Mass political protests of recent years, starting with the Arab Spring in 2010-2011 when protesters swept the Middle East and North Africa and up to the latest developments in Ukraine, are an important factor of political changes. Once emerged, protests go on and preserve their infl uence on political changes in the United States and Europe, Russia, Ukraine, Brazil, Turkey, Egypt, Thailand and many other countries all over the world. This allows some researchers to talk about the emergence of a new phenomenon – the phenomenon of protest groups of citizens or protest publics.1 These publics can become not only a factor but also an actor of political changes in modern polities. This requires clarifi cation of existing methodological approaches and research tools of political changes, as well as the roles of the different driving forces (actors and factors) in the process.
This article is devoted to the analysis of the growing importance of the Eurasian direction in Japan's foreign policy, the causes and consequences of the duality and inconsistency of this policy, the infl uence of internal political reasons on Japan's alignment with its policy towards the Central Asian states. The process of building up a new system of Japan’s foreign policy behavior in Central Asia in this case has developed in a reactive as opposed to a proactive manner. Eurasian direction of Japan’s diplomacy demanded a serious revision because by the new project «One Belt, One Road», which is an unprecedented regional initiative of Beijing – the primary foreign policy opponent for Tokyo. The regional agenda of Tokyo is also infl uenced by the new approaches of Donald Trump’s administration to the multilateral cooperation’s forms. Tokyo’s attempts to pursue its relations with the Central Asian states as a whole region and the Japan’s experience of using the dialogue «Central Asia plus Japan» as a promising model for the cooperation between non-regional actors and its Central Asia’s partners, are also of interest. In addition, the article deals with the preconditions for coordinating actions in the Eurasian direction between Japan and its friendly states, including Turkey and India, and the process of diversifying the economic partners of the Central Asian region as a whole. Since the reasons for the interest of the Central Asian states in the implementation of economic and other forms of cooperation with Tokyo have not lost their relevance, Russia could be of signifi cant value to Tokyo.
The issue is devoted to the Crimea and Sevastopol city accession to the Russian Federation. The economic effects of the Crimean territorial policy of the Russian government are considered. The assumption is made that the occurrence of the Crimea in the economic and legal space of the Russian Federation has included significant investment. Meanwhile, it is worth far less than the prospect of Crimea to share the fate of modern Ukraine. The article considers the political consequences of Crimea's integration into Russia. From the authors’ point of view this integration was an important event in world politics that significantly changed the field of international relations and "rules of the game". It has been revealed how events in Crimea have changed the vector of development of Russian policy in the context of domestic life and in the international community. It is shown that the integration of the Crimea becomes an important figure in Russian political discourse, linking the foreign and domestic policies of modern Russia. This underlines the seriousness of the Crimean agenda in the public consciousness. The accession of Crimea and Sevastopol City into the Russian Federation has allowed the ruling elite of modern Russia make the best use of opportunities for their own legitimization.
Information space as a new (geo)political space exerts an increasingly higher influence on the global processes. Despite its specific nature, its connection with physical space is growing, furthermore, the states describe themselves as leading actors of information space more actively. Although the approaches diff er from one another, information space is being generally perceived in the traditional categories of sovereignty, borders and territory. The states serve as accelerators of interrelated processes of militarization, securitization and diplomatization of information space, which are typical for other spaces. Strengthening such tendencies and including a greater number of countries lead to new forms of cooperation and conflicts.
Показано, что частота переворотов и попыток переворотов примерно в равной степени связана как с уровнем коррумпированности, так и с уровнем подушевого ВВП, причем в отношении попыток свержения центральной власти влияние уровня ВВП на душу населения оказывается немного сильнее, а в отношении свержения всех органов власти в совокупности, как центральных, так и местных, степень коррумпированности оказывает большее воздействие. При этом оба показателя находятся в тесной связи между собой, однако скорость роста ВВП не имеет устойчивой корреляции с коррупцией и слабо коррелирована с частотой попыток насильственного свержения органов государственной власти. Полученные зависимости сложным образом связаны с ценностными представлениями. В группе развитых стран с уровнем коррумпированности менее 40 баллов (по 100-балльной шкале) наблюдается существенная положительная корреляция между некоррумпированостью и ценностями самовыражения. В остальных странах ценности не оказывают влияния на уровень коррумпированности, зато влияют на темпы экономического роста и частоту попыток свержения власти. Проведенное исследование показало, что при равных уровнях коррумпированности в странах низкого и среднего уровня экономического развития для устойчивости власти и быстрого экономического роста полезен отказ от традиционализма и вреден слишком ранний переход к ценностям самовыражения. Однако переход через рубеж подушевого ВВП 20-25 тыс. долл. в год затруднителен, если не сопровождается снижением уровня коррумпированности ниже уровня в 40–50 баллов. Есть основания предполагать, что современная Россия с подушевым ВВП около 25 тыс. долл. в год и уровнем коррумпированности выше 70 баллов, может находиться именно в такой ситуации.
The article discusses the various types of nationalism in Moldova through the prism of methodological constructivism. The author distinguishes such types of nationalism as a nationalism of minorities. the new nationalism of nationalizing State and the nationalism of external national homelands to which minorities belong, or may consider themselves as belonging on cultural foundations, as well as nationalism immigrants. The author demostates their interweaving and interaction, as well as a position in the political process of the country.
The author of the article analyzes the role of ideology in the modern world, underpinning his theses by historical examples, as well as posits the existence of the powerful Western ideology of “democracy”, which is transforming into international ideocratic system infl uencing all facets of human life. Taking into consideration the theoretical approaches of prominent political scientists and sociologists, the author analyzes critically analyzes modern Western ideocracy and its interdependence with the age of information, globalization and postmodern cultural development. The article emphasizes the concept of normal state” and studies the role of Russia in these processes.
идеократия, демократизация, Запад, нормальное государство, глобализация, идеология, культура.
The article presents interface between ideas justifying Russian polity and efforts to implant those ideas into actual history of the country, particularly during the last century. Contradictory effects of those efforts are acknowledged and paradoxical results acclaimed. Still it also recognized that maturing richness of Russia’s perception alongside the mounting institutional density of its politics propels further prospects for its development.
The article is devoted to the study of territorial conflicts in two countries of the former USSR - Moldova and Estonia in 1989-1994. Within the framework of the study, we conducted five expert interviews with respondents, who was directly involved in resolving the conflicts in Chisinau, Transnistria and Gagauzia. The publications in Internet publications about the referendum in Narva in 1993, its preparation and consequences were also analyzed. Based on the conducted research, it was revealed that on the eve of the referendum on autonomy in Narva, authorities of Estonia and the administration of the city council of Narva visited Moldova, including Transnistria. This experience of the conflict in Transnistria let them take certain steps to ease tensions in Eastern Estonia. Later, this Estonian experience was already applied by Moldovan politicians in the process of relieving tension in the situation of Gagauzia. The detected interaction of political elites of Moldova and Transnistria is viewed from the perspective of the concept of “policy learning” by Hugh Heclo and Richard Rose.