The main events of the Japan – US security dialogue are considered in the article "The adaptation of the Japan – US alliance to Challenges of the New Century: Successes and Failures" in the context of the adaptation of the Japan – US security alliance (further – Alliance) to the security environment changes in the beginning of the 21th century. The aspiration of Tokyo to use possibilities of the Alliance for increasing Japan’s role in the regional and global policy, as well as attempts of Japan to formulate own national interests by means of joint documents of the Alliance, are especially appreciable at that time. The new program basis is developed with the purpose of redirecting the Alliance from the common threats counteraction towards the protection of shared interests and values.
The article is devoted to the analysis of research tools that are dominant in international relations forecasting. The study is based on quantitative description of 160 prognostic articles from leading journals on international relations for the period from 2006 to 2015. An innovative typology of prognostic studies is proposed and tested. The typology introduces a distinction between «weak prognoses» (probabilistic predictive statements that appear as extrapolations of deductive nomothetical theories) and «strong prognoses» («ideographic» predictions that are formulated as scenarios of possible future developments in specific situations and with specific sets of actors). The study shows that it is the weak prognoses that are the dominant type of forecasts in contemporary international studies. The dominance of the weak approach to forecasting remains total, despite the fact that it is almost two decades ago that its fundamental limitations were demonstrated and a “forward reasoning” approach suggested as an alternative. The methodology of Teaching, Research, and International Policy project was applied for a more detailed epistemological profiling of the field. It showed that academic forecasting in international relations is dominated by quantitative methods and positivist non-paradigmatic approaches. As to the traditional paradigms, it is liberalism that is the most common with Marxism being completely neglected. The described profile of the field follows the trends that are inherent in the discipline of international relations in general. The findings of the study can be interpreted from the perspective of possible tracks for the development of forecasting methods in the Russian school of international relations.
The EU has the most developed liberalization mechanism in services trade within the framework of an economic bloc. On the basis internal market of the European Union there are four complementary principles: non-discrimination, national origin, mutual recognition and harmonization. The system of supranational institutions, which decisions are binding upon member states, contributes to a high level of services liberalization in the EU. However, the creation of a single market for services hasn’t completed at all. The reasons are following: not all basic for single market principles are fully applied, and a service is a very specific object for international trade. Financial - economic crisis caused a new wave of protectionism in different countries, which has reflected in the preservation and the emergence of new barriers to trade in services within the EU. Integration of services in the Union is accompanied by important trade initiatives at the multilateral level. In the World Trade Organization EU countries negotiate a new agreement on trade in services, and offer provisions which providing transparency, deepening liberalization and investor protection for foreign investors in the market, will also complement and foster the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) EU - USA. Russia is only the fourth most important partner in trade in services for the EU. At the same time the European Union remains a key partner in trade in services, as well as in trade in goods for Russia. Concerning this trade economic relations there is a considerable potential for growth for both countries.
The article analyzes the characteristics of the program of Assistance to Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) in the United States. This program is aimed at support and subsequent commercialization of high technology developed by small firms. The government agencies involved in the implementation of the program determine the research areas manage the allocated funds themselves. The program has been in operation for over 30 years and has proven to be effective. It provides business with funds necessary at the primary, the most risky phase of production of innovative goods and services, and also gives signals to the market about popular areas of innovation development. Participation in the program is a guarantee of a high level for innovative product or service produced by the firm and allows companies to raise additional funds. Conclusions drawn from the analysis of the SBIR may be useful for the policy support of science and technology in Russia. The implementation of programs similar to SBIR in Russia will solve the actual problem of innovation development, to reduce information asymmetry in the market of innovative products and services and help in attracting venture capital in high-technology projects.
The present article studies the issue of the interrelation between the senior UN official – the Secretary-General and the main UN body – the Security Council. The nature of the Secretary-General role is ambiguous since the very creation of the UN. On one hand, the Secretary-General leads the Secretariat – the body that carries out technical and subsidiary functions in relation to other UN Main Bodies. This is the way the Secretary-General position was initially viewed by the UN authors. On the other hand, the UN Charter contains certain provisions that, with a certain representation, give the Secretary-General vigorous powers, including political ones. Since the very beginning of the UN operation the Secretary-Generals have tried to define the nature of these auxiliary powers, formalize the practice of their use. Special place among these powers have the provisions given in the Charter article 99. This article give to the Secretary-General the right to directly appeal to the Security Council and draw its attention to the situation that, in his (Secretary-General’s) opinion may threaten the international peace and security. This right was used by some Secretary-Generals during different crises occurred after the creation of the UN. This article covers consecutively the crisis in Congo, Iran hostage crisis and the situation in Lebanon. These are three situations that forced Secretary-Generals Hammarskjold, Waldheim and de Cuellar to explicitly use their right to appeal to the Security Council. Other cases in UN history involving the Secretary-General appealing to the Security Council while mentioning article 99 cannot be considered as the use of the nature of this article in full sense of its spirit. Such cases were preceded by other appeals to the Council on the same situations by other subjects (notably, the UN member states) or other actions that made Secretary-General to merely perform its technical function. The main research problem here is the search for the UN instrument that could grant the Secretary-General with political powers I addition to existing administrative ones. The outcomes of the analysis show that the main instrument of such kind is the UN Charter Article 99. However, the degree of its usage activity is decreasing over time.